Political Prisoners for Sale:
Jacob Young with Zofia Smardz in Bonn
Newsweek
August 29, 1983, p. 32
The ritual is always the same. East German police round up a
group of political prisoners at the State Security prison in
Karl-Marx-Stadt and march them into a bus. They drive to a
deserted crossing along the border with West Germany. There,
the guards leave, a new driver puts on West German license
plates and the bus rolls on to Western soil. Within a short
time, the passengers have been transformed from prisoners of
conscience to free citizens -- ransomed by the government in
Bonn. Every year, West Germany spends an average of $5
million to buy the freedom of some 1,000 East German
political prisoners. The practice continued for two decades,
though officials have been unwilling to talk about it. But
now, with the Bonn government anxious to demonstrate the
benefits of improved relations, prominent West German
politicians are beginning to speak up. Two weeks ago Gerhard
Reddemann, chairman of the Inter-German Relations Committee
in the Bundestag, confirmed reports that through "special
humanitarian efforts," Bonn recently bought as many as 350
East German political prisoners who will be arriving through
September.
Each side has its reasons for carrying on the exchanges.
West Germany's interest is humanitarian. East Germany's is
economic. Payment for prisoners varies, but the East Germans
are said to demand fees ranging from $11,500 to as much as
$400,000. At Bonn's insistence, the payments are made in
goods, in the hope that East German citizens will benefit
from the transactions as well as the government. But the
materials traded are still those that require hard currency
to purchase, such as crude oil, medicines and chemical
products. The haggling over goods and delivery dates is
hard-bitten and pragmatic, says one West German official,
"just like a normal deal between businessmen."
Incentive: That sort of businesslike attitude prompts
human-rights activists to accuse Bonn of trafficking in
human lives. "In principle, we are against the idea that any
kind of conditions should be set for the release of
political prisoners," says an Amnesty International
spokesman in Bonn. But, explains Reddemann, "we have no
other choice. When you're dealing with a dictatorship you
can't pick your preferred methods of operation." Bonn also
refutes charges that its payment for prisoners encourages
the East Germans to lock up people. "We have no indications
that the East Germans are imprisoning any more people
because of the buyouts," says one Bonn official.
For those in prison in the East, the exchanges are often the
only chance for freedom. That was certainly the case with
Karl Winkler, a former East German antinuclear activist who
was released from prison when Bonn bought him two years ago;
he recently published a book about his early experiences
titled "Made in GDR." Some recently ransomed prisoners
report that young East German detainees have begun tattooing
swastikas on their backs and chests hoping that flamboyant
troublemakers will have a better chance of being added to
the list of buyout candidates. Camp surgeons are evidently
under orders to remove the tattoos, but the scars remain --
as does the hope of making a new life in the West.
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