ࡱ> ;p5Root Entry F @1Table?mWordDocumentSummaryInformation( q # !"8$%&'()*+,-./012345679:<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~Root Entry F3!@1TableWordDocumentSummaryInformation( q # !"8$%&'()*+,-./012345679:<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~ Heading 3$ & F@&CJ414 Heading 4  & F@&60A0 Heading 5  & F@&0Q0 Heading 6  & F@&XrX Heading 7($ & Fd @& 8 6CJPJXrX Heading 8($ & Fd @& 8 6CJPJ8 18 Heading 9 & F @& h<A@<Default Paragraph FontB" 3$ & F@&CJ414 Heading 4  & F@&60A0 Heading 5  & F@&0Q0 Heading 6  & F@&XrX Heading 7($ & Fd @& 8 6CJPJXrX Heading 8($ & Fd @& 8 6CJPJ8 18 Heading 9 & F @& h<A@<Default Paragraph FontB"BCap/0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz{|}~Q0 Heading 6  & F@&XrX Heading 7($ & Fd @& 8 6CJPJXrX Heading 8($ & Fd @& 8 6CJPJ8 18 Heading 9 & F @& h<A@<Default Paragraph FontB"BCaption$` 5TTChapter($d &d 8 5CJ(PJXain verb ellipsis. () a. Sinabi kong magbibigay ako ng pera sa simbahan, TV-said Unm-I-LI AV-will-give T-I Unm money DAT church at nagbigay nga *( ako) and AV-gave indeed T-I 'I said I would give money to the church, and I did give money to the church' b. Nagbigay ka ba ng pera sa simbahan? AT-gave T-you Q Unm money DAT church 'Did you give money to the church?' c. Oo, nagbigay ( ako) yes AT-gave T-I 'Yes, I did give money to the church' d. Oo, nagbigay *( ako) kahapon yes AT-gave T-I yesterday 'Yes, I did give money to the church yesterday' * Many thanks to Genara Banzon, Roberto Figueroa, Elena Francisco, Louie Locsin, Valerie Mayo, Ryan Morales, and Reine Protacio for their invaluable help with the Tagalog facts; all Tagalog facts are from conversations with them, unless otherwise indicated. 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MandevilleMGH NMRMGH-NMRMGH-NMR Center kim appelmansRalph WeisslederPETLABPowerPC 7200/90 WeisslederMonica Hernandez Julie GreenNatalie Alfrey Pat HintonNati- V$"',038t>g@L1% %  ( 2 +,Ki'(exy ")09FXfx 567n !RpG`a  O9u MN * @ h i - ^  7 T k 1 X r 3 W X } c-./TU .Igh =iT8w%^~!"UVZ[ Ar(aF|0l@C(2?Wdefgh)F^_"@AFq9Wk~  O t ! !!;!t>|>}>>>>>>>W?X?z????@@A@B@t@BAAkBCC?EFLD Unknown LinguisticsNorvin RichardsBenjamin BrueningMITMaria Cristina CuervoRoumyana IzvorskiSabine Iatridou Amy BrandJessie Little Doe FerminoAndrea Rackowski Kenneth HaleSHSSDr. Alice B. SmithMom alec Marantz---James T. HeatonRobert E. HillmanPooh Ueda Yukiko Yukiko UedaCOEY]mP[ N0u1u}P[[[OK0-f`i,g}N Ken HiraiwaY]0mP[0u-N Ոx^0u-NՈx^ 'Y*'Yf[ef[񂞊f[xvz[񂞊f[xvz[Tomohiro FujiiFirst-Year LinguistsDLPLaPaz Eric Potsdam'Y^x^7uTakae TsujiokaMichael T. UllmanMichael UllmanClaudia BrovettoAITSfoobarxx Matt StilwellgpsCMWPreferred CustomerbrendanAlice F. Raible Liu, GuoyingRice UniversityChristian WoodJosef P. Rauschecker John KupiecjfeldmanPSYCHOLOGY DEPARTMENT Kate AbergerMichelle L. NelsonTakashi Akahaneju Martin MoradSergei Zhenochin Biao Tian PhD ruowei wuPawel KusmierekT.WerkaMartinJosef P. Rauschecker PhD Underhill Tom WeickertSheridan Swope Paul WattersNeville Lab - MultnomahNeville Lab - Chelamela ADELE DIAMONDJennifer Fennell Maya Watters Jeff MarterTine MoeCraig A. ChamplinSocial Sciences Hooi Ling SohMonica MacaulayRebecca Kavanaghwho me?nobody but us chickens joe & monicaBlake Lee Spahr Greg Iverson Jungae Kangwho meChris M. Golde Chris GoldeIRHESchool of EducationDamian OlthoffAAUPDean & Christine PribbenowDean Pribbenow Doug Hagan Larry MonetaR Perry Monastero Greg WegnerCarol KariotisKariotis, Carol Fain, BobBOB FAIN A Douglas Laura Ketchum Sean Robinson WestEd StaffRobert Waters, Jr.University PlanningInformation Tech Services Raymond Sy Bob WatersLuis F. Tejedo-Herrero Luis TejedoCristin Rodrigo Nez PachecoMara Isabel AlvarezFrancois SainfortDave Holsinger Paul A. LuceLanguage Perception LaboratoryDBPDavid B. PisoniAndrew R. Yartz Andrew Yartz Sally A. RiceMichael S. VitevitchSteve GoldingerStephen GoldingerMichael S. Vitevitch, Ph.D.Joseph B. MandevilleMGH NMRMGH-NMRMGH-NMR Center kim appelmansRalph WeisslederPETLABPowerPC 7200/90 WeisslederMonica Hernandez Julie GreenNatalie Alfrey Pat HintonNational Center pat hintonTerrence M. MartinPowerPC 7600/120HarvardA Valued Microsoft Customer Andrew YablonJulie Calechman"Joe Mandeville (God to you, buddy)John J. A. MarotaMDSasdfcmrr kamil ugurbil Kamil UgurbilToshinori Kato Linda KingNeurosurgical Laboratories Hilary Watson Rolf Gruetterspec Gabi Endebachert Monika Gai Design StudioJeffrey David Lewine, Ph.D.A. Gregory SorensenBlaise Frederick Doug KelleyJuanita Morales***For Business Use Only***FBLVicki L. De HulluSimone HochgrebNuclear EngineeringElisabeth ShortsleeveRobert G. GriffinOBFPMIT/OFPMMarcia langhoffturnerChad M. 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" also true in Tagalog: ... " and in Japanese (Otani and Whitman 1991, 346), and Chinese (Huang 1987): () a. John-wa [ zibun-no tegami-o] suteta. John-TOP self-GEN letter-ACC discarded 'John threw away self's letters' b. Mary-mo suteta Mary-also discarded 'Mary did too' [Strict, Sloppy] () a. John-wa [ NY Times-ga zibun-no kizi-o inyoositeiru to] kiita John-TOP NY Times-NOM self-GEN article-ACC is-quoting that heard 'John heard that the NY Times is quoting self's article' b. Bill-mo [ NY Times-ga inyoositeiru to] kiita Bill-also NY Times-NOM is-quoting that heard 'Bill also heard [that the NY Times is quoting EC' [Strict] " but cf. Hoji (1998, 147): () a. John-wa zibun-zisin-o suisensita John-TOP himself-ACC recommended 'John recommended himself' b. Bill-mo suisensita Bill-also recommended 'Bill did too' [Strict, ?*Sloppy] () a. John recommended himself b. Bill did too [?*Strict, Sloppy] () Nagbigay si Juan ng gantimpala sa kanyang sarili, AV-gave T Juan Unm prize Dat his self at nagbigay din si Bill and AV-gave also T Bill 'Juan gave a prize to himself, and Bill did too' [Strict, ?*Sloppy] () Binigyan ni Juan ng bulaklak ang kanyang asawa, LV-gave Unm Juan Unm flower T his spouse 'Juan gave flowers to his wife...' a. ... at binigyan din ni Bill and LV-gave also Unm Bill '...and Bill did too' [Strict] b. ... at binigyan naman ni Bill ng tsokolate and LV-gave NAMAN Unm Bill Unm chocolate '...and Bill, on the other hand, gave (her) chocolate' [Strict] c. ... at binigyan naman ni Bill ang kanyang asawa and LV-gave NAMAN Unm Bill T his spouse '...and Billi, on the other hand, gave them to hisi wife'  summary: " Tagalog has a process of ellipsis of material after the verb-->Strict/Sloppy ambiguities more or less where we see them in English, Japanese, Chinese (unless Hoji's right) " Tagalog may also have a process of "topic-drop", which requires a Strict reading In addition to the above pronominal clitics, Tagalog has adverbial clitics: () a. Masaya ho raw yata si Pete ngayon happy HON they-say apparently T Pete today 'They say that Pete's happy today, apparently' b. Hindi ho raw yata masaya si Pete ngayon not HON they-say apparently happy T Pete too 'They say that Pete's not happy today, apparently' Under "VP-ellipsis", pronominalpreserved: --> cliticization obligatorily "escapes" ellipsis? No: Under "complement-of-Neg ellipsis", pronominal clitics are required to be absent, but adverbial clitics may appear: () Hindi ko alam kung nagbigay ako ng pera sa simbahan... not Unm-I know if AV-gave T-I Unm money DAT church 'I don't know if I gave money to the church...' a. ... pero sinabi ni Maria na hindi (* ako) but TV-said Unm Maria LI not T-I '...but Maria said I didn't' b. ... pero sinabi ni Maria na hindi pa / raw / yata but TV-said Unm Maria LI not yet they-say apparently '...but Maria said I didn't yet/reportedly/apparently' And in Sluicing, no clitics at all may appear: () Gusto kong bumalik sa Pilipinas, want A-I-LI AV-return DAT Philippines 'I want to go back to the Philippines...' a. ... pero hindi ko alam kung kailan (* ako) but not A-I know +WH when T-I '...but I don't know when' b. * ... pero hindi ko alam kung kailan nga / kaya / naman but not A-I know +WH when indeed I-wonder NAMAN '...but I don't know when indeed/I-wonder/"by-contrast" c. ... pero hindi ko alam but not A-I know kung kailan nga / kaya / naman *( ako) babalik +WH when indeed I-wonder NAMAN T-I AV-will-return () CP sluicing (#): no clitics 4 wh-phrase C' compl-of-Neg ellipsis (#): only adverbial clitics  4 C .... NegP  4  Neg' "VP-ellipsis" (#): adv.  4 and pronominal clitics adverbial Neg ... clitics XP  4  X'  4 X YP pronominal verb ! clitics adv ( NEG) pron VERB () a. ba siya nagngangawa --> nagngangawa ba siya? Q T-he AV-is-babbling 'Is he babbling?' b. ba hindi siya nagngangawa --> hindi ba siya nagngangawa? Q not T-he AV-is-babbling 'Isn't he babbling?' -->post-syntactic "lowering" of clitics to second/non-initial position > clitic ordering is demonstrably affected by prosodic factors > some clitics take scope higher than they are pronounced prosodic sorting of clitics () a. ko 'Unm-I' [mo 'Unm-you', ka 'T-you'] b. na 'as of now' [pa 'still'] c. man 'even' d. nga 'indeed' e. din 'also' f. lang 'just, merely' g. daw 'they say' h. po, ho 'honorific' i. ba 'question' j. muna 'first, for a while' k. naman 'on the other hand' l. kasi 'because' m. kaya 'maybe' n. sana 'counterfactual' [pala 'I have just discovered', yata 'apparently'] o. niya 'Unm-he/she' [nila 'Unm-they'...] p. ako 'T-I' [siya 'T-he/she'...] " (a-i) are monosyllabic, (j-p) are bisyllabic " the pronouns are on the periphery --> "prosodic sorting" reverses an order that reflects hierarchy? " unfortunately, the monosyllabic clitics can't be ordered (don't cooccur) " i > b clitic scope: na 'as of now' and pa 'still' () a. Matanda na siya old as-of-now T-he/she 'He/she is old now (and wasn't before)' b. Bata pa siya young still T-he/she 'He/she is still young' () a. Hindi na siya bata not as-of-now T-he/she young 'He's not young any more' as-of-now > NEG b. Hindi pa siya matanda not still T-he/she old 'He's not old yet' still > NEG () a. Kumakanta si Maria AV-is-singing T Maria 'Maria is singing' b. siya kumakanta --> kumakanta siya T-she AV-is-singing 'she is singing' a------------l ? () a. ba siya nagngangawa Pronoun Shift Q T-he AV-is-babbling a----------------l 1 a----------+--l ? ? b. nagngangawa ba siya Cliticization AV-is-babbling Q T-he 'Is he babbling?' did'did'did yesterday' Bibliography Billings, Loren, and Abigail Konopasky. 2002. Reassessing the Role of Syntax inside the Morphological Word: Verb-Adjacent Clitics in Tagalog and Bulgarian. Paper presented at AFLA 9, Cornell University. Fox, Danny. 2000. Economy and semantic interpretation. MITWPL and MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Hoji, Hajime. 1998. Null object and sloppy identity in Japanese. Linguistic Inquiry 29.127-152. Huang, C.-T. James. 1987. Verb-second in German and some AUX phenomena in Chinese, in Chinese-Western encounter: festscrift for Franz Giet, SVD on his 85th birthday, edited by A. Bramkamp et al. Fu Jen University, Taipei. Otani, Kazuyo, and John Whitman. 1991. V-raising and VP-ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 22.345-358. Schachter, Paul, and Fe Otanes. 1972. Tagalog reference grammar. University of California Press, Berkeley. Williams, Edwin. 1977. Discourse and Logical Form. Linguistic Inquiry 8.101-139.  almost. 2P33L44 55556^6666J7L7777 8$  8 8 x  '8 ~ , 8 , 7J8889999J::::;d;;$<< 8@ Vr 8b@ \  8$ @ V 8 82  *8 2  :P<=r===>d?@@@@@XAABpBB.C0CCCC $ :dr b \ Vr   $8 b VCCDDEjEE4F|FFGH~HHHIlI p  % p V4z '8 p Vz $8 F  B " F  B  1>Ellipsis and the EPP (1) a. I slept (*the anteater) b. I slapped *(the anteater) c. *(it) seems [that the anteater is annoyed] abbreviations: The real SaitoMurasugiLobeckian generalization:that agrees with () a. I said John likes chocolate, and he does __ b.* I said John likes chocolate, and I still believe him to __ Ellipsis in English infinitives () a.* I said John likes chocolate, and I still believe him to __ b. I don't know if I can solve this problem, but I'll try to __ c. John may not leave, but Mary is certain to __ " Martin (2001): " (#a)=(#) " (#b): control T agrees with PRO, assigns Null Case " (#c): raising infinitives are ambiguous between raising, control (Lasnik and Saito 1992) (and ECM infinitives aren't.....) () a. [How likely to win] is John? b.* [How likely to be a riot] is there? " Lasnik and Saito (1992): " (#a) okay because it has a control parse " (#b) out because it can only be raising, violates PBC () * It was announced that there may be a riot, so everyone believes there is likely to __ Raising () a. I really want John to understand this, and he seems to __ b.* I really want John to be happy, and he seems to __ () * It was announced that there may be a riot, so everyone believes there is likely to __ -->verb height? be raises higher than main verbs in infinitives, to a position outside the domain that can be elided () a. * I really want Mary to enjoy linguistics, and she seems to enjoy __ b. I really want Mary to be happy, and she seems to be __ Control NOC vs. OC Landau: OC involves T-to-C? Neg saves NOC--Spec? (Lasnik/Potsdam/Hagstrom) remaining mystery: why is the head that takes the ellipsis site as a sister (sometimes) unable to be phonologically dependent? () a. Mary is taller than I am __ b.* Mary is taller than I'm __ () a. Mary is reading War and Peace, and I am __ Jurassic Park b.* Mary is reading War and Peace, and I'm __ Jurassic Park () Mary's house is bigger than John's __ () Mary is smart, but John isn't __ Lasnik, Howard, and Mamoru Saito. 1992. Move a. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. i"i*i,i.iiijjrpp\r`rss(t,t4tBtvvvv*wDw^wxwnxxxzxxx 6OJQJ65>*>*6>**i,i.iiijjjjj\kkBlDljlllmnnHnnnn6ooopprp p rpppqtqvq8r:r&s(ss4tDtFt^ttttttuu@vvvwzw|ww p wwxxx0 p 0 8 p 2 0 0/R / =!"#$%|HH@RF(HH(d'` s jbjb kkK]KSTMUMUMUV!xxxx\Wytxd66666CCCKKKKKKK,MfAhvKMUCtA>CCCKCMUMU66 zCCCCMU6MU6KaUUTTMUMUCKCBCHJMUMUKzxrxC|K !P9 u M  $8 b Hd $8 b \ r -8 ~ 2   !8 p2 r !8 p2   8p2 Tagalog Ellipsis* (1) a. Nasaan si Juan? where T Juan 'Where's Juan?' b. Umalis na AV-left now 'He's left' (2) XP DP-ellipsis/pro-drop/topic-drop?  4 vP-ellipsis? X'  ep X vP  umalis 4 'left' DP v' si Juan 4 'Juan' v VP $ abbreviations used in this talk: T="topic" [ang, si] AV=Actor Voice DAT=Dative [sa, kay] LV=Locative Voice Unm=Unmarked [ng, ni] TV=Theme Voice LI=Linker Does Tagalog have VP-ellipsis? () Juan gave flowers to his wM N O d e f  " 8 U l + , $  $ b~  $$l$ $   8, b F 3l./01    :Vl % 2 N Vr b@ j  Vl1CD}~J 5] p b@ j  4^  D}~J 5]M   )AMN....,1.1222222f3v344h4x444F5V5x55555$7H7J7L77777h9999::R;d;<<========>F@j@@@@@AACC6DBD$F2FG6GbH jUmH>*H*65CJOJQJ0J75>*VM//N00,1.111"2H2t222 8 8 H 8 8  V4 p . 0 0/ =!"#$%|HH@RF(HH(d'`  [lx (x gave flowers to J's wife)] [lx (x gave flowers to x's wife)] reading: ......you gave flowers to Bill's wife " strict/sloppy ambiguity vanishes in long-distanceonal Center pat hintonTerrence M. MartinPowerPC 7600/120HarvardA Valued Microsoft Customer Andrew YablonJulie Calechman"Joe Mandeville (God to you, buddy)John J. A. MarotaMDSasdfcmrr kamil ugurbil Kamil UgurbilToshinori Kato Linda KingNeurosurgiife, and Bill did too a. Strict reading: Bill gave flowers to Juan's wife b. Sloppy reading: Bill gave flowers to Bill's wife () Juan heard that I gave flowers to his wife, and Bill heard that you did a. 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TROCHCHUinpg entrepriseBARUTMichelle DUPONTINPG ENTREPRISE S.A.Mme JULOINPG ENTREPRISE directeur SAUGET PierreINPGinpgSilvia Lumelsky PiergiovanniperrierboizardEquipe CommanderognonAdmindiallo Marc Brezet Alain Nicolas ROYE DanielDGMENSANDRINEColette DE MARIAENSIEGprunetSICiupSCHNEIDER ELECTRICSchneider Electriclag Odile LantzLucaI.N.P.G.Kristine Jerome CombeDBECHUENVTECOLE VETERINAIRESICD1Patrice Francescato Patrick PARISMichauchagas Anne ChagasI.N.P.GFlorent Schaeffer Dorje NamgyalUSC UserDonca SteriadeBERNARD d. SEALAlain MartinossiOra MatushanskyopercusGennaro ChierchiaCarlo Cecchetto Maxim Andreev Wayne O'NeilTrailer Robert BaileyKenneth Allen HydeGabriella Hermon Peter ColeJurgen StreeckMichael MoortgatLinguistics Lab chris wilderID EpidemiologyPatricia Schneider-Zioga Julia BerndLuis Lopez-CarreteroBHTBenutzerlizenzSfSJennifer Leeman Marta LujansolowayAntonio V. de AntonGerman WestphalDept of Spanish and Portuguese000Gayle A. Noble Elena CastroFrancisco OrdezDepartament Filologia Catalana!Francisco Javier Villalba Nicols'Slvia Planas Morales & Xavier VillalbaSlvia Planas Morales Silvia Planas'Xavier Villalba i Slvia Planas-Morales Marta OnaClaudia Scarborough$Department of Spanish and PortugueseUniversity of Texas Michael Acua Mike AcunaSpanish and PortugueseFCI Yolanda Mora Debbie NelsonKenMadeline Sutherland-MeierJabier ElorrietaJos Cerna-Bazannone Jeff MartinMariaIBM UserRamon HernandezSpLab Dave GeislerNick Cory Reed Mathew Bailey Lynn PearsonEdwardSFBAlexiaSJOEM Susanne RottAurum Consulting IES BerlinJessica WIlliamsB11-250bFrans B. M. de WaalJennifer AustinBHT GmbHStellan OhlssonStephanie RigerCharles Clifton8$#$@ # ( 33 H2  C  N2  S  HB  C DN2   S K HB  C D<  #  N2   S   N2   S 6  HB  @ C DHB  @ C DHB  C D Hr  C RH+jJBr  3 IjJ @    TB  C D TB  C D N    TB  C D TB  C D N    TB  C D TB  C D N    TB  C D TB  C D N   ! TB " C D TB # C D B S  ?w 3z,d-../|<h tP tX ( tL KH #t#t h  Kt hNt m&vtk tbxt  y#] tW t p`t  )t n t (dTt  )t!  /t Linguistics2Macintosh HD:Temporary Items:Word Work File A 1134 Linguistics2Macintosh HD:Temporary Items:Word Work File A 1134 Linguistics>Macintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Tagalog ellipsis data:AFLA handout Linguistics>Macintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Tagalog ellipsis data:AFLA handout Linguistics>Macintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Tagalog ellipsis data:AFLA handout Linguistics>Macintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Tagalog ellipsis data:AFLA handout Linguistics1Macintosh HD:Temporary Items:Word Work File A 494 Linguistics1Macintosh HD:Temporary Items:Word Work File A 494 Linguistics1Macintosh HD:Temporary Items:Word Work File A 494 Linguistics>Macintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Tagalog ellipsis data:AFLA handout @.@.@..@...@ ....@ .....@ ......@ .......@ ........ @S2S28S2S2   HI [ ] IK"$[_wy570 2 !!`"b"`#b###'$)$$$&&''>(@())))))***B,D,,,,,,--5-6-7-8-;-=-@-B-X-Y-Z-[-d-e-f-j-l-o-q-r-s-w-y-|-}-----------------...........".#.$.%.B.C.D.E.F.N............/////.//C/F/p/r/s/v/////////00405000000R1S1T111333::z<{<|<PQƝQȝPQQQPPQPQFPHQPQ*P,Q2P4QPQNPRQPQPQRPVQ P$QPQPQPQQ"QDPHQPQdPjQPQjPnQ`PdQPQ4P8QPQPQTPXQNPRQPQPQP Q|PPQQQQQPQ P$QPPLQQQPQ,Q.PjPlQnQpQvQzQQPQQPQQPQQQPPQQQQQQ Q$PHQJQLQNQTPQQQQPQQQP PQ Q$P*Q,Q.Q6Q8Q:Q>PDPFQHPJPQQQQPQ Q QPQ|Q~PPQQQPQQ Q"Q&Q\PxQzQ|QQQPQQPQQQQ Q$P&P(P`QhQjQQQ(PnQrPPPQ PPhQlPrPPPPGTimes New Roman5Symbol3 Arial9Arboreal3Times[ii Zapf ChanceryCourier New5 *˴Geneva#1hdfdi/ f !0d:CxXChapters"$d  85CJ8OJPJQJV"V Chaptertitled  8 5CJ4PJRRExamples($$8 8p@ $PJmH<&@A<Footnote ReferenceCJEHL@RL Footnote Text$1$ 8CJPJ.1b.Gloss $mH 2r2 Normal Indent>> References$0x@&mHBB Susi Headerd&d  $CJ@@TOC 1$d 8$5CJ 44TOC 2$d 8$DDTOC 3'$0d 8$HHTOC 4'$0d 8$CJ>>TOC 5$ 8$CJ>>TOC 6$ 8$CJ>>TOC 7 $ 8$CJ>>TOC 8!$ 8$CJ>>TOC 9"$ 8$CJ222 Normal German#mH&B&Table$mH8YR8 Document Map%-D OJQJ7D    Tagalog Ellipsis* (1) a. Nasaan si Juan? where T Juan 'Where's Juan?' b. Umalis na AV-left now 'He's left' (2) XP " DP-ellipsis/pro-drop/topic-drop?  4 " vP-ellipsis? X'  ep X vP  umalis 4 'left' DP v' si Juan 4 'Juan' v VP $ abbreviations used in this talk: T="topic" [ang, si] AV=Actor Voice DAT=Dative [sa, kay] LV=Locative Voice Unm=Unmarked [ng, ni] TV=Theme Voice LI=Linker Does Tagalog have VP-ellipsis? (3) Juan gave flowers to his wife, and Bill did too a. Strict reading: Bill gave flowers to Juan's wife [lx (x gave flowers to J's wife)] b. Sloppy reading: Bill gave flowers to Bill's wife [lx (x gave flowers to x's wife)] (4) Juan heard that I gave flowers to his wife, and Bill heard that you did a. Strict reading: ...that you gave flowers to Juan's wife b.*Sloppy reading: ...that you gave flowers to Bill's wife " strict/sloppy ambiguity vanishes in long-distance contexts (Williams 1977, Fox 2000...) " also true in Tagalog: (5) Nagbigay si Juan ng bulaklak sa kanyang asawa, AV-gave T Juan Unm flower DAT his spouse 'Juan gave flowers to his wife...' a. ... at nagbigay din si Bill and gave also T Bill '...and Bill did too' [Strict, Sloppy] b. ... at nagbigay naman si Bill ng tsokolate and AT-gave NAMAN T Bill Unm chocolate '...and Bill, on the other hand, gave (her) chocolate' [Strict, Sloppy] (6) Narinig ni Juan na nagbigay ako ng bulaklak sa kanyang asawa, TV-heard Unm Juan LI AV-gave T-I Unm flower DAT his spouse 'Juan heard that I gave flowers to his wife...' ...at narinig naman ni Bill na nagbigay ka. and TV-heard NAMAN Unm Bill LI AV-gave T-you '...and Bill, on the other hand, heard that you did' [Strict] " and in Japanese (Otani and Whitman 1991, 346), and Chinese (Huang 1987): (7) a. John-wa [ zibun-no tegami-o] suteta. John-TOP self-GEN letter-ACC discarded 'John threw away self's letters' b. Mary-mo suteta Mary-also discarded 'Mary did too' [Strict, Sloppy] (8) a. John-wa [ NY Times-ga zibun-no kizi-o inyoositeiru to] kiita John-TOP NY Times-NOM self-GEN article-ACC is-quoting that heard 'John heard that the NY Times is quoting self's article' b. Bill-mo [ NY Times-ga inyoositeiru to] kiita Bill-also NY Times-NOM is-quoting that heard 'Bill also heard [that the NY Times is quoting EC' [Strict] " but cf. Hoji (1998, 147): (9) a. John-wa zibun-zisin-o suisensita John-TOP himself-ACC recommended 'John recommended himself' b. Bill-mo suisensita Bill-also recommended 'Bill did too' [Strict, ?*Sloppy] (10) a. John recommended himself b. Bill did too [?*Strict, Sloppy] (11) Nagbigay si Juan ng gantimpala sa kanyang sarili, AV-gave T Juan Unm prize Dat his sn si Bill and gave also T Bill '...and Bill did too' [Strict, Sloppy] b. ... at nagbigay naman si Bill ng tsokolate and AT-gave NAMAN T Bill Unm chocolate '...and Bill, on the other hand, gave (her) chocolate' [Strict, Sloppy] () Narinig ni Juan na nagbigay ako ng bulaklak sa kanyang asawa, TV-heard Unm Juan LI AV-gave T-I Unm flower DAT his spouse 'Juan heard that I gave flowers to his wife...' ... at narinig naman ni Bill na nagbigay ka. and TV-heard NAMAN Unm Bill LI AV-gave T-you '...and Bill, on the other hand, heard that you did' [Strict] Ellipsis and clitics Tagalog has what appear to be second-position clitics (though cf. Billings and Konopasky, this conference): () a. Masaya siya ngayon [Schachter and Otanes 1972, 183] happy T-he today 'He is happy today' b. Hindi siya masaya ngayon not T-he happy today 'He is not happy today' c. Bakit siya hindi masaya ngayon? why T-he not happy today 'Why isn't he happy today?' These clitics seem to be required to be preserved under "VP-ellipsis": () a. Sinabi kong magbibigay ako ng pera sa simbahan, TV-said Unm-I-LI AV-will-give T-I Unm money DAT church at nagbigay nga *( ako) and AV-gave indeed T-I 'I said I would give money to the church, and I did' b. Sinabi ni Juan na magbibigay siya ng pera sa simbahan, TV-said Unm Juan that AV-will-give T-he Unm money DAT church at nagbigay nga *( siya) and AV-gave indeed T-he 'Juan said he would give money to the church, and he did' c. Sinabi kong magbibigay si Juan ng pera sa simbahan, TV-said Unm-I AV-will-give T Juan Unm money DAT church at nagbigay nga ( siya) and AV-gave indeed T-he 'I said Juan would give money to the church, and he did' [(#c)--elided subject could be si Juan rather than a pronominal clitic?] (clitic ordering) ellipsis cross-linguistically: Saito & Murasugi, Lobeck another counterexample: Irish lowering in Irish Kayne, Bare Phrase Structure-->this result and EPP? leftover problem: bare m*.jp $LTV$*,.:> z~ &z| $&Zh 8   \    b  P t `65>* jUmH7jOJQJUmH5OJQJX     - !"#$%&'()*+,@./0123>789:;<=?jABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghiklmnopqrstuvwyz{|}~6 vz(*`bprx  4^ $$l$ $  8(\l6z Fjlh:hj0 p b~ p   b@ jj( 0     vRJDLFLLLL p p   0 80 p `RMVMN0NNNNNNN(O*O0O8O@OBOFOHOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOPPP"PrPtPPPSSSSXTZTLUbUU VVVWJXNXPXX^__`&accdVg*h.hi 5>*CJ5>* jUmH>* 5OJQJOJQJ5CJ5OJQJ j0JU0J6N2 0 0/R / =!"#$%|HH@RF(HH(d'` position clitics: 34(34) vs. (34a): main/embedded contrast of a kind seen before? cf. 'diary drop' (Haegeman 1990), root null subjects in English acquisition (Roeper & Weissenborn 1990, Rizzi 1992...) (35) a. __ can't find the letter that I need b. * I can't find the letter that __ need (36) __ know what I maked [Adam, 3;1] CP 4 C commands Cer"="daughter of XP"--so the VP "atomic";al structure, as far as the  Df4f     f~ hlu!&,$03j77D1% %  (  Lahox 4[egqr<=45ZqGH.]Eh{ C ~   < = e J K $ % Z  F q TWai~ *A[0]lmN>v%&rs!"^;yElM/gj>Sdmy &;z8s/CYlIop U ^ _ !,!-!H!h!!!!!     !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmno rsuvwxyz{|}~ " assumption #5: <X, Y>=<X, YP> (cf. our discussion of specifiers in Distinctness...)() * aP " <a, XP> : XP doesn't dominate lower aP 4 " <a, aP> : don't distinguish bar levels a' 4 a ..... XP 4 aP X'<W, XP>P (33) (33)EPP: A head W which has had its complement a made "atomic" will generally have to have a specifier; otherwise, a and the head Q that takes WP as its complement will be unlinearizable. Alternatively, some other way of linearizing Q (like lowering it, making it the morphology's problem) must be used. If there are processes besides ellipsis that make phrases "atomic", then these might also require certain heads to have specifiers. -->Spell-out Further adventures in ellipsis: English () a. John does not like math, but Mary seems to __ b.* Harry may not be as happy as he appears to __ Haegeman, Liliane. 1990. Understood subjects in English diaries. Multilingua 9-2.157-199. Martin, Roger. 2001. Null Case and the distribution of PRO. Linguistic Inquiry 32.141-166. Rizzi, Luigi. 1992. Early null subjects and root null subjects. Geneva Generative Papers 0.102-114.Roeper, Tom, and Jrgen Weissenborn. 1990. How to make parameters work. In Lyn Frazier and Jill de Villiers, eds., Language processing and language acquisition.  Martin (2001) stars this example. Shame on him. LLMRMVMNNPN.OOOOOOOO&PSSSS\TTT~U:V0 p p   8:VNXXX^^__|a~abdffVg*h,h.hlhhi$i&i(i*i 8$  0 p 2 0 0/R / =!"#$%|HH@RF(HH(d'` Why is there an EPP? [to be distinguished from the question that, e.g., Castillo, Drury, and Grohmann 1999, Epstein and Seely 1999, and Martin 2000 are asking...] Castillo, Juan Carlos, John Drury, and Kleanthes Grohmann. 1999. Merge-over-move and the EPP. University of Maryland Working Papers in Linguistics 8. University of Maryland, College Park. Epstein, Sam, and Daniel Seely. 1999. SPEC-ifying the GF "Subject": eliminating A-chains and the EPP with a derivational model. Presented at the LSA Grammatical Functions Workshop. Martin, Roger. 1999. Case, the Extended Projection Principle, and Minimalism. Working Minimalism, edited by Sam Epstein and Norbert Hornstein, pp. 1-26. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.Raphael Mercado, 2 0 0/R / =!"#$%|HH@RF(HH(d'`  goal: find some other places where specifiers are required.patiently providing. elf at nagbigay din si Bill and AV-gave also T Bill 'Juan gave a prize to himself, and Bill did too' [Strict, ?*Sloppy] (12) Binigyan ni Juan ng bulaklak ang kanyang asawa, LV-gave Unm Juan Unm flower T his spouse 'Juan gave flowers to his wife..4tion$` 5TTChapter($d &d 8 5CJ(PJXXChapters"$d  85CJ8OJPJQJV"V Chaptertitled  8 5CJ4PJRRExamples($$8 8p@ $PJmH<&@A<Footnote ReferenceCJEHL@RL Footnote Text$1$ 8CJPJ.1b.Gloss $mH 2r2 Normal Indent>> References$0x@&mHBB Susi Headerd&d  $CJ@@TOC 1$d 8$5CJ 44TOC 2$d 8$DDTOC 3'$0d 8$HHTOC 4'$0d 8$CJ>>TOC 5$ 8$CJ>>TOC 6$ 8$CJ>>TOC 7 $ 8$CJ>>TOC 8!$ 8$CJ>>TOC 9"$ 8$CJ222 Normal German#mH&B&Table$mH8YR8 Document Map%-D OJQJv<S     S4    - W%"',03(8>rCVMS1% % 2 ( ` Y+,Ki'(exy ")09FXfx 567n !RpG`a  O9u MN * @ h i - ^  8 U l 2 Y s 4 X Y ~ !d./0UV /Jhi >jU9x&_"#VW[\Bs)bG}1mAD)3@Xefghi*G_`#ABGr :Xl P u !!!>\>>>>>>????@R@@@@ADAAAAAAA%B&BKBLBBBBBBCOCpCqCCCD7D8DyDDDDD E EPEQE^E,FFUGGmH&IIJpJJKdLLMMhNO}OO\PP'QQ?RRSSSS$ "$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$ "$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$ur$u$u$$$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$<$u$u$u$u$u$u$<$u$u$u$u$u$u$<$u$<$u$u$u$u$u$u$<$u$u$<$u$u$u$u$u$<$u$u$u$<$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$ur$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$0$u$0$u$u$0$u$0$u$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$0$0$u$u$u$0$0$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$ur$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$ur$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$ur$u$u$u$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$$$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$L&$0$$0$$u$u$0$$u$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$u$0$u$0$0$u$0$u$0$u$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$u$u$u$u$0$u$0$u$u$0$u$0$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$5$Ӥ$Ӥ+,Ki'(efxy ")09FXfx 567n !RpG`a  O9u MN * @ h i - ^  8 U l 2 Y s 4 X Y ~ !d./0UV /Jhi >jU9x&_"#VW[\Bs)bG}1mAD)3@Xefghi*G_`#$ABGr :Xl P u !!!>\>>>>>>????@R@@@@ADAAAAAAA%B&BKBLBBBBBBCOCpCqCCCD7D8DyDDDDD E EPEQE^E,FFUGGmH&IIJpJJKdLLMMhNO}OO\PP'QQ?RRSSSSS bH2[.(*`i 8=M , 127<ClIMQW\$a‚$ȥ&B2"f*zjL:V*irpw  45679:;<>?EFLD Unknown LinguisticsNorvin RichardsBenjamin BrueningMITMaria Cristina CuervoRoumyana IzvorskiSabine Iatridou Amy BrandJessie Little Doe FerminoAndrea Rackowski Kenneth HaleSHSSDr. Alice B. 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WylerSteven StufflebeamddDepartment of Lingui 8$CJ>>TOC 9"$ 8$CJ222 Normal German#mH&B&Table$mH8YR8 Document Map%-D OJQJN8PD     PDf4f      5"+'A,b0F37:8PD1% %  (  ./=KYZ#IrV=z{$Nrs:56l*+Z>  [ \ z {  < = ^   b c ( O ,VO"5KhCDn'\];U%@| (cd_`5Yy+,\] -L"8m#,2[|Jdy56v"2DTm [ G '!(!9!P!j!k!!!!!! "2"3"4"5"Q"j""""""""":#K#a#b#|#######1$O$i$$$$%3%F%V%x%%%%%%%&&&''+','k'l'm''''%(](^(((( )!)])))) * *M*n*****+X+++++,@,B,C,D,E,u,v,~,,,,,,-'-2->-?-T-----C.D....../!0"0`0a00000(13171B1G1N1S11111111111152Y2Z2|22222222 3*33393F3G3d3e3u3334454c44444V5W5555777778G89~9>::V;<n<<.=>O>>r??:@@AzABBCTCUCDDQD$u$u$u$u$u$ "$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$ur$u$u$$$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$<$u$u$u$u$u$u$<$u$u$u$u$u$u$<$u$<$u$u$u$u$u$u$<$u$u$<$u$u$u$u$u$<$u$u$u$<$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$ur$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$0$u$0$u$u$0$u$0$u$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$0$0$u$u$u$0$0$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$uu$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$ur$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$ur$u$u$u$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$.' a. ... at binigyan din ni Bill and LV-gave also Unm Bill '...and Bill did too' [Strict] b. ... at binigyan naman ni Bill ng tsokolate and LV-gave NAMAN Unm Bill Unm chocolate '...and Bill, on the other hand, gave (her) chocolate' [Strict] c. ... at binigyan naman ni Bill ang kanyang asawa and LV-gave NAMAN Unm Bill T his spouse '...and Billi, on the other hand, gave them to hisi wife'  summary: " Tagalog has a process of ellipsis of material after the verb-->Strict/Sloppy ambiguities more or less where we see them in English, Japanese, Chinese (unless Hoji's right) " Tagalog may also have a process of "topic-drop", which requires a Strict reading Ellipsis and clitics Tagalog has what appear to be second-position clitics (though cf. Billings and Konopasky, this conference): (13) a. Masaya siya ngayon [Schachter and Otanes 1972, 183] happy T-he today 'He is happy today' b. Hindi siya masaya ngayon not T-he happy today 'He is not happy today' c. Bakit siya hindi masaya ngayon? why T-he not happy today 'Why isn't he happy today?' In addition to the above pronominal clitics, Tagalog has adverbial clitics: (14) a. Masaya ho raw yata si Pete ngayon happy HON they-say apparently T Pete today 'They say that Pete's happy today, apparently' b. Hindi ho raw yata masaya si Pete ngayon not HON they-say apparently happy T Pete too 'They say that Pete's not happy today, apparently' Under "VP-ellipsis", pronominal clitics seem to be required to be preserved: (15) a. Sinabi kong magbibigay ako ng pera sa simbahan, TV-said Unm-I-LI AV-will-give T-I Unm money DAT church at nagbigay nga *( ako) and AV-gave indeed T-I 'I said I would give money to the church, and I did' b. Sinabi ni Juan na magbibigay siya ng pera sa simbahan, TV-said Unm Juan that AV-will-give T-he Unm money DAT church at nagbigay nga *( siya) and AV-gave indeed T-he 'Juan said he would give money to the church, and he did' c. Sinabi kong magbibigay si Juan ng pera sa simbahan, TV-said Unm-I AV-will-give T Juan Unm money DAT church at nagbigay nga ( siya) and AV-gave indeed T-he 'I said Juan would give money to the church, and he did' [(15c)--elided subject could be si Juan rather than a pronominal clitic?] --> cliticization obligatorily "escapes" ellipsis? No: Under "complement-of-Neg ellipsis", pronominal clitics are required to be absent, but adverbial clitics may appear: (16) Hindi ko alam kung nagbigay ako ng pera sa simbahan... not Unm-I know if AV-gave T-I Unm money DAT church 'I don't know if I gave money to the church...' a. ... pero sinabi ni Maria na hindi (* ako) but TV-said Unm Maria LI not T-I '...but Maria said I didn't' b. ... pero sinabi ni Maria na hindi pa / raw / yata but TV-said Unm Maria LI not yet they-say apparently '...but Maria said I didn't yet/reportedly/apparently' And in Sluicing, no clitics at all may appear: (17) Gusto kong bumalik sa Pilipinas, want A-I-LI AV-return DAT Philippines 'I want to go back to the Philippines...' a. ... pero hindi ko alam kung kailan (* ako) but not A-I know +WH when T-I '...but I don't know when' b. * ... pero hindi ko alam kung kailan nga / kaya / naman but not A-I know +WH when indeed I-wonder NAMAN '...but I don't know when indeed/I-wonder/"by-contrast" c. ... pero hindi ko alam but not A-I know kung kailan nga / kaya / naman *( ako) babalik +WH when indeed I-wonder NAMAN T-I AV-will-return (18) CP sluicing (17): no clitics 4 wh-phrase C' compl-of-Neg ellipsis (16): only adverbial clitics  4 C .... NegP  4  Neg' "VP-ellipsis" (15): adv.  4 and pronominal clitics adverbial Neg ... clitics XP  4  X'  4 X YP pronominal verb ! clitics adv ( NEG) pron VERB (19) a. ba siya nagngangawa --> nagngangawa ba siya? Q T-he AV-is-babbling 'Is he babbling?' b. ba hindi siya nagngangawa --> hindi ba siya nagngangawa? Q not T-he AV-is-babbling 'Isn't he babbling?' -->post-syntactic "lowering" of clitics to second/non-initial position > clitic ordering is demonstrably affected by prosodic factors > some clitics take scope higher than they are pronounced prosodic sorting of clitics (20) a. ko 'Unm-I' [mo 'Unm-you', ka 'T-you'] b. na 'as of now' [pa 'still'] c. man 'even' d. nga 'indeed' e. din 'also' f. lang 'just, merely' g. daw 'they say' h. po, ho 'honorific' i. ba 'question' j. muna 'first, for a while' k. naman 'on the other hand' l. kasi 'because' m. kaya 'maybe' n. sana 'counterfactual' [pala 'I have just discovered', yata 'apparently'] o. niya 'Unm-he/she' [nila 'Unm-they'...] p. ako 'T-I' [siya 'T-he/she'...] " (a-i) are monosyllabic, (j-p) are bisyllabic " the pronouns are on the periphery --> "prosodic sorting" reverses an order that reflects hierarchy? " unfortunately, the monosyllabic clitics can't be ordered (don't cooccur) " i > b clitic scope: na 'as of now' and pa 'still' (21) a. Matanda na siya old as-of-now T-he/she 'He/she is old now (and wasn't before)' b. Bata pa siya young still T-he/she 'He/she is still young' (22) a. Hindi na siya bata not as-of-now T-he/she young 'He's not young any more' as-of-now > NEG b. Hindi pa siya matanda not still T-he/she old 'He's not old yet' still > NEG (23) a. Kumakanta si Maria AV-is-singing T Maria 'Maria is singing' a----------l ? b. siya kumakanta --> kumakanta siya T-she AV-is-singing 'she is singing' a----l ? (24) a. Jeg lste den inte [Swedish: Bobaljik 1995, 344] I read it not 'I didn't read it' b. * Jeg lste inte den I read not it Syntactic conditions on ellipsis: the syntax of linearization Saito and Murasugi (1990), Lobeck (1995): (25) An ellipsis site must be the complement of a head with a specifier. (26) a. I wanted to read a book, so I stole [DP John 's [ __ ] ] b. I wanted to read a book, so I stole [DP a [ __ ] ] (27) a. Although she doesn't know [CP how [ __ ]], Sue thinks John made it to work on time b.* Although she doesn't know [CP whether [ __ ] ], Sue thinks John made it to work on time (28) a. Sinabi kong magbibigay si Juan ng pera sa simbahan, TV-said Unm-I AV-will-give T Juan Unm money DAT church at nagbigay nga ( siya) and AV-gave indeed T-he 'I said Juan would give money to the church, and he did' b. Dirt siad go dtiocfadh siad [Irish: McCloskey 1991, 273] said they that would-come they ach n digh liom go dtiocfaidh but I-don't-think that will-come 'They said they would come, but I don't think they will' " Irish C lowers to T (McCloskey 1996): (29) Is doche [ faoi cheann cpla l go bhfdfa imeacht] is probable at-the-end-of couple days that could leave NeoSaitoMurasugiLobeckian Generalization (30) An ellipsis site must be the complement of a head which either (a) has a specifier or (b) is lowered to by higher material  " assumption #1: Kaynean (1994) antisymmetry (31) TP A={<DP (John), T (will)>, <DP (John), vP (dance)>, 4 <T (will), v-V (dance)>...} DP T' ! 4 John > will John T vP John > dance will 4 will > dance v-V VP dance ! 0$u$0$u$$$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$L&$0$$0$$u$u$0${$0$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$u$0$u$0$0$u$0$u$0$u$u$u$0$u$0$u$0$u$u$u$u$u$0$u$0$u$u$0$u$0$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$m $u$u$u$$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$u$Ӥ$Ӥ ./=KYZ#IrUCDDNDQD bH2[.(*`Vg 8=M , 127<ClIMQW\$a‚$ȥ&B2"f*zjL:VVg 45679:;<>?EFLD Unknown LinguisticsNorvin RichardsBenjamin BrueningMITMaria Cristina CuervoRoumyana IzvorskiSabine Iatridou Amy BrandJessie Little Doe FerminoAndrea Rackowski Kenneth HaleSHSSDr. Alice B. SmithMom alec Marantz---James T. HeatonRobert E. HillmanPooh Ueda Yukiko Yukiko UedaCOEY]mP[ N0u1u}P[[[OK0-f`i,g}N Ken HiraiwaY]0mP[0u-N Ոx^0u-NՈx^ 'Y*'Yf[ef[񂞊f[xvz[񂞊f[xvz[Tomohiro FujiiFirst-Year LinguistsDLPLaPaz Eric Potsdam'Y^x^7uTakae TsujiokaMichael T. UllmanMic!!!!","B"R"W""""""" ###$#>#P#Q######$+$b$$$$$%%:%W%q%%%%%j&k&&&&&&-'.'/'Y''''( (T((((()X)x))))*0*S*w****+R+S+|+++,,,,,7,8,@,B,},,,,,,,---`-a---..B.C....W///"0#0I00000001 111     - !"#$%&'()*+,@./0123>789:;<=?jABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghiklmnopqrstuvwyz{|}~6. 0 0/ =!"#$%|HH@RF(HH(d'`  'Maria is singing' a----------l ? a----l ? () a. Jeg lste den inte [Swedish: Bobaljik 1995, 344] I read it not 'I didn't read it' b. * Jeg lste inte den I read not it Syntactic conditions on ellipsis: the syntax of linearization Saito and Murasugi (1990), Lobeck (1995): () An ellipsis site must be the complement of a head with a specifier. () a. I wanted to read a book, so I stole [DP John 's [ __ ] ] b. I wanted to read a book, so I stole [DP a [ __ ] ] () a. Although she doesn't know [CP how [ __ ]], Sue thinks John made it to work on time b.* Although she doesn't know [CP whether [ __ ] ], Sue thinks John made it to work on time () a. b. yes AV e. Hindi *( ako) nagbigay not T-I AV-gave 'No, I didn't' (#c)--structurally impoverished?Bobaljik, Jonathan. 1995. Morphosyntax: the syntax of verbal inflection. Doctoral dissertation, MIT. Lobeck, Anne. 1995. Ellipsis: functional heads, licensing, and identification. Oxford University Press. Saito, Mamoru, and Keiko Murasugi. 1990. N'-deletion in Japanese. U Conn Working Papers in Linguistics 3.87-107. ‚ĂƂ.\ȅ "02<PІ҆0 p b~ p  $$l$ (jnpnBRʔ:F   4  b   ,B0 p 2 0 0/R / =!"#$%|HH@RF(HH(d'` Dirt siad go dtiocfadh siad [Irish: McCloskey 1991, 273] said they that would-come they ach n digh liom go dtiocfaidh but I-don't-think that will-come 'TR1U1\1`1i1o1x11111122>2A2I2O2W2X22222223 3&3'373m33333%4[4r4|4}455555g7h7i7777 88@9::;;0<<<=>}>4???q@@a precedes b if something dominating a asymmetrically c-commands something dominating b " assumption #2: Kaynean (1994) adjoining specifiers (The specifier of XP is not dominated by XP: e.g., the DP John in (31) will symmetrically c-command a C that takes this TP as a complement) " assumption #3: Chomsky's (1995) Bare Phrase Structure ("specifier"="daughter of XP"--so the VP (31) is a specifier of v (and also a complement)) " assumption #4: Ellipsis is an operation that applies after the head which takes the elided material as a complement has been Merged and linearized with the to-be-elided material: it effectively makes the elided XP a head, with no internal structure, as far as the phonological complement is concerned. " assumption #4 1/2: Chomsky's (2001) Derivation by Phase (32) a. WP A={<W, Y>, <W, X>, <W, ZP>...} 4 W XP 4 YP X' ! 4 X ZP ! b. WP 4 XP undergoes ellipsis:: no longer syntactically  W XP complex, as far as computation is concerned $ A={<W, Y>, <W, X>, <W, ZP>...} c. WP WP's specifier is merged 4 MP W'  ! 4 W XP d. QP Q is merged, taking WP as its complement 4 Q can be linearized with contents of MP Q WP (<Q, M>...) 4 also, <Q, W>, and <Q, XP> MP W' ! 4  W XP What if WP had no specifier? b'. WP 4 XP undergoes ellipsis:: no longer syntactically  W XP complex, as far as computation is concerned $ A={<W, Y>, <W, X>, <W, ZP>...} c'. QP XP is WP's specifier: daughter of WP 4 Q, XP mutually c-command (assumption #2) Q WP XP has no internal structure (assumption #4) 4 -->unlinearizable  W XP ...and since it's Q that's the problem, we could fix the problem by postsyntactically lowering Q to W, fixing its position in the morphological component. --> heads whose complements are elided will need to have specifiers, or else be postsyntactically lowered to by the next higher head. "need for specifiers"=EPP? For this to work, we would need complements of heads with "EPP features" to be rendered internally structureless-->Spell-out? A leftover problem: ellipsis in main clauses (33) a. Sinabi kong magbibigay ako ng pera sa simbahan, TV-said Unm-I-LI AV-will-give T-I Unm money DAT church at nagbigay nga *( ako) and AV-gave indeed T-I 'I said I would give money to the church, and I did' b. Nagbigay ka ba ng pera sa simbahan? AT-gave T-you Q Unm money DAT church 'Did you give money to the church?' c. Oo, nagbigay ( ako) yes AV-gave T-I 'Yes, I did' d. Oo, nagbigay *( ako) kahapon yes AT-gave T-I yesterday 'Yes, I did yesterday' e. Hindi *( ako) nagbigay not T-I AV-gave 'No, I didn't' (33c)--structurally impoverished? Bibliography Billings, Loren, and Abigail Konopasky. 2002. Reassessing the Role of Syntax inside the Morphological Word: Verb-Adjacent Clitics in Tagalog and Bulgarian. Paper presented at AFLA 9, Cornell University. Bobaljik, Jonathan. 1995. Morphosyntax: the syntax of verbal inflection. Doctoral dissertation, MIT. Chomsky, Noam. 1995. Bare Phrase Structure. Government and Binding Theory and the Minimalist Program, edited by Gert Webelhuth. Blackwell, Oxford. Chomsky, Noam. 2001. Derivation by Phase. Ken Hale: a life in language, edited by Michael Kenstowicz. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Fox, Danny. 2000. Economy and semantic interpretation. MITWPL and MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Hoji, Hajime. 1998. Null object and sloppy identity in Japanese. Linguistic Inquiry 29.127-152. Huang, C.-T. James. 1987. Verb-second in German and some AUX phenomena in Chinese. Chinese-Western encounter: festscrift for Franz Giet, SVD on his 85th birthday, edited by A. Bramkamp et al. Fu Jen University, Taipei. Kayne, Richard. 1994. Antisymmetry. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Lobeck, Anne. 1995. Ellipsis: functional heads, licensing, and identification. Oxford University Press. McCloskey, James. 1991. Clause structure, ellipsis, and proper government in Irish. Lingua 85.259-302. McCloskey, James. 1996. On the scope of verb movement in Irish. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 14.47-104. Otani, Kazuyo, and John Whitman. 1991. V-raising and VP-ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 22.345-358. Saito, Mamoru, and Keiko Murasugi. 1990. N'-deletion in Japanese. U Conn Working Papers in Linguistics 3.87-107. Schachter, Paul, and Fe Otanes. 1972. Tagalog reference grammar. University of California Press, Berkeley. Williams, Edwin. 1977. Discourse and Logical Form. Linguistic Inquiry 8.101-139. * Many thanks to Genara Banzon, Roberto Figueroa, Elena Francisco, Louie Locsin, Valerie Mayo, Ryan Morales, and Reine Protacio for their invaluable help with the Tagalog facts; all Tagalog facts are from conversations with them, unless otherwise indicated. They should not be held accountable for any of my misunderstandings of the facts, which are my responsibility.  almost. 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Raible Liu, GuoyingRice UniversityChristian WoodJosef P. Rauschecker John KupiecjfeldmanPSYCHOLOGY DEPARTMENT Kate AbergerMichelle L. NelsonTakashihey said they would come, but I don't think they will' () Lonaim d'eagla [d dtgfainn mo radharc dibh] go dtitfinn I-fill of-fear if I-would-lift my sight from-him that I-fall McCloskey, James. 1991. Clause structure, ellipsis, and proper government in Irish. Lingua 85.259-302. " Irish C lowers to T (McCloskey 1996): () Is doche [ faoi cheann cpla l go bhfdfa imeacht] is probable at-the-end-of couple days that could leave NeoSaitoMurasugiLobeckian Generalization () An ellipsis site must be the complement of a head which either (a) has a specifier or (b) is lowered to by higher material A leftover problem: ellipsis in main clauses McCloskey, James. 1996. On the scope of verb movement in Irish. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 14.47-104. ޗ$&TrКNx$ 2 p   bp $ 0 p stics GYJ & GMJWilliam J. IdsardiKenneth W. 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Laplante Glyne PiggottVanessa ConstantineYosef G.Psychology DepartmentYosef GrodzinskyELONEX Sue DambrauJewish StudiesUliKazuko Yatsushiro Randy CollinsGelza PembertonDept of Spanish & PortugueseJuan Carlos Castillo Yoshi Okamoto frida morellisuzukitn330O'BrianMonica Linda SuenRoumyana PanchevaPhilippe SchlenkerMilena PetrovaMina Lee USC PhoneticsMU/CR SchlenkerGianpiero CabodiPaolo PrinettoMichel SchlenkerPatricia RIGAUD VERMOT MichelRigaud Patricia%Catalina VARGAS (PSA / DTII /PMT/ICM)Word 6.0Gateway 2000 Licensed Usercorinne ISEP Branly Denis PRACAMaria Jose Reche Urbano Durand RobertF. TROCHCHUinpg entrepriseBARUTMichelle DUPONTINPG ENTREPRISE S.A.Mme JULOINPG ENTREPRISE directeur SAUGET PierreINPGinpgSilvia Lumelsky PiergiovanniperrierboizardEquipe CommanderognonAdmindiallo Marc Brezet Alain Nicolas ROYE DanielDGMENSANDRINEColette DE MARIAENSIEGprunetSICiupSCHNEIDER ELECTRICSchneider Electriclag Odile LantzLucaI.N.P.G.Kristine Jerome CombeDBECHUENVTECOLE VETERINAIRESICD1Patrice Francescato Patrick PARISMichauchagas Anne ChagasI.N.P.GFlorent Schaeffer Dorje NamgyalUSC UserDonca SteriadeBERNARD d. SEALAlain MartinossiOra MatushanskyopercusGennaro ChierchiaCarlo Cecchetto Maxim Andreev Wayne O'NeilTrailer Robert BaileyKenneth Allen HydeGabriella Hermon Peter ColeJurgen StreeckMichael MoortgatLinguistics Lab chris wilderID EpidemiologyPatricia Schneider-Zioga Julia BerndLuis Lopez-CarreteroBHTBenutzerlizenzSfSJennifer Leeman Marta LujansolowayAntonio V. de AntonGerman WestphalDept of Spanish and Portuguese000Gayle A. 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" Lasnik (1996), Frampton and Gutmann (1999); (48) tells us something about how morphology combines with different kinds of verbs in English. Hmmm. (see Johnson 2001 for much helpful discussion)(49) a.* Max Wildwood came to read Fred's story, and I also came to __ b.* You shouldn't play with rifles, because [to __] is dangerous c.* Lulamae Barnes recounted a story to remember, because Holly had also recounted a story to __ (50) a. Max Wildwood wants to read Fred's story, and I also want to __ b. You shouldn't play with rifles, because it's dangerous [to __ ] c. John wants to go on vacation, but he doesn't know [when to __ ] -->VP-ellipsis barred in NOC contexts? NOC saved by negation: (51) You should play with rifles, because [not to __] would be to miss out on a lot of fun. but not by adding material below to: (52) * You shouldn't have played with that rifle; [to have __ when no one was around] was very dangerous. Landau: OC involves T-to-C, NOC doesn't. so, ways to allow ellipsis in control contexts: (i) move T to C (OC)-->linearized in higher phase (ii) give to Neg (a specifier?) 53545556 and another remaining mystery: what's the deal with ECM infinitives? Frampton, John, and Sam Gutmann. 1999. Morphological well-formedness as a derivational constraint on syntax: verbal inflection in English. Johnson, Kyle. 2001. What VP ellipsis can do, what it can't, but not why. The handbook of contemporary syntactic theory, edited by Mark Baltin and Chris Collins. Blackwell. Lasnik, Howard. 1996. Verbal morphology: Syntactic Structures meets the Minimalist Program. Evolution and revolution in linguistic theory: essays in honor of Carlos Otero, Paula Kempchinsky and Hctor Campos, eds. Georgetown University Press, Washington, D.C. :<@B(*~ތF*,.J 0 80 p p 2 0 0/R / =!"#$%|HH@RF(HH(d'` s jbjb kkS]QQQ $$vvvv\Kw|Di44444AAAXIZIZIZIZIZIZI,jlvIQAp?>AAAIAQQ44 xAAAAQ4Q4XIe  QQAXIAAFHQQXIxD2vAPITagalog Ellipsis* (1) a. Nasaan si Juan? where T Juan 'Where's Juan?' b. Umalis na AV-left now 'He's left' (2) XP DP-ellipsis/pro-drop/topic-drop?  4 vP-ellipsis? X'  ep X vP  umalis 4 'left' DP v' si Juan 4 'Juan' v VP $ abbreviations used in this talk: T="topic" [ang, si] AV=Actor Voice DAT=Dative [sa, kay] LV=Locative Voice Unm=Unmarked [ng, ni] TV=Theme Voice LI=Linker Does Tagalog have VP-ellipsis? () Juan gave flowers to his wife, and Bill did too a. Strict reading: Bill gave flowers to Juan's wife b. Sloppy reading: Bill gave flowers to Bill's wife () Juan heard that I gave flowers to his wife, and Bill heard that you did a. Strict reading: Bill heard that you gave flowers to Juan's wife b.*Sloppy reading: Bill heard that you gave flowers to Bill's wife' () Nagbigay si Juan ng bulaklak sa kanyang asawa, AV-gave T Juan Unm flower DAT his spouse 'Juan gave flowers to his wife...' a. ... at nagbigay din si Bill and gave also T Bill '...and Bill did too' [Strict, Sloppy] b. ... at nagbigay naman si Bill ng tsokolate and AT-gave NAMAN T Bill Unm chocolate '...and Bill, on the other hand, gave (her) chocolate' [Strict, Sloppy] () Narinig ni Juan na nagbigay ako ng bulaklak sa kanyang asawa, TV-heard Unm Juan LI AV-gave T-I Unm flower DAT his spouse 'Juan heard that I gave flowers to his wife...' ... at narinig naman ni Bill na nagbigay ka. and TV-heard NAMAN Unm Bill LI AV-gave T-you '...and Bill, on the other hand, heard that you did' [Strict] Ellipsis and clitics Tagalog has what appear to be second-position clitics (though cf. Billings and Konopasky, this conference): () a. Masaya siya ngayon [Schachter and Otanes 1972, 183] happy T-he today 'He is happy today' b. Hindi siya masaya ngayon not T-he happy today 'He is not happy today' c. Bakit siya hindi masaya ngayon? why T-he not happy today 'Why isn't he happy today?' These clitics seem to be required to be preserved under "VP-ellipsis": () a. Sinabi kong magbibigay ako ng pera sa simbahan, TV-said Unm-I-LI AV-will-give T-I Unm money DAT church at nagbigay nga *( ako) and AV-gave indeed T-I 'I said I would give money to the church, and I did' b. Sinabi ni Juan na magbibigay siya ng pera sa simbahan, TV-said Unm Juan that AV-will-give T-he Unm money DAT church at nagbigay nga *( siya) and AV-gave indeed T-he 'Juan said he would give money to the church, and he did' c. Sinabi kong magbibigay si Juan ng pera sa simbahan, TV-said Unm-I AV-will-give T Juan Unm money DAT church at nagbigay nga ( siya) and AV-gave indeed T-he 'I said Juan would give money to the church, and he did' [(#c)--elided subject could be si Juan rather than a pronominal clitic?] (clitic ordering) ellipsis cross-linguistically: Saito & Murasugi, Lobeck another counterexample: Irish lowering in Irish Kayne, Bare Phrase Structure-->this result and EPP? leftover problem: bare my be a riot, so everyone believes there is likely to __ Raising () a. I really want John to understand this, and he seems to __ b.* I really want John to be happy, and he seems to __ () * It was announced that there may be a riot, so everyone believes there is likely to __ -->verb height? be raises higher than main verbs in infinitives, to a position outside the domain that can be elided () a. * I really want Mary to enjoy linguistics, and she seems to enjoy __ b. I really want Mary to be happy, and she seems to be __ Control NOC vs. OC Landau: OC involves T-to-C? Neg saves NOC--Spec? (Lasnik/Potsdam/Hagstrom) remaining mystery: why is the head that takes the ellipsis site as a sister (sometimes) unable to be phonologically dependent? () a. Mary is taller than I am __ b.* Mary is taller than I'm __ () a. Mary is reading War and Peace, and I am __ Jurassic Park b.* Mary is reading War and Peace, and I'm __ Jurassic Park () Mary's house is bigger than John's __ () Mary is smart, but John isn't __ Lasnik, Howard, and Mamoru Saito. 1992. Move a. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. i"i*i,i.iiijjrpp\r`rss(t,t4tBtvvvv*wDw^wxwnxxxzxxx0:܅ޅ,6\`>,l 7 6OJQJ65>*>*6>*0*i,i.iiijjjjj\kkBlDljlllmnnHnnnn6ooopprp p rpppqtqvq8r:r&s(ss4tDtFt^ttttttuu@vvvwzw|ww p wwxxx`bFЅޅʆN2   80 p 0 8 p 2 0 0/R / =!"#$%|HH@RF(HH(d'` 23456789101112131415161617181918 (17(1620212223242526(26) vs. (262728293031323334353536 (37) a. 3838394041 " (41a)=(39(41 " (4142(42 " (424344454647 (48) a. Jo