James Hurysz
	Quality Consultant, Alexandria, Virginia

	1.    Introduction
	The New York Times is generally considered to be one of the world's great newspapers.  The Times's editorial and journalistic philosophies are a hundred years old. They were implemented by Adolph S. Ochs, who purchased the Times in 1896 and published it until his death in 1935.  Ochs's descendants publish the Times today.  
	Ochs aimed for the Times to give the news concisely, clearly, promptly, and impartially, without fear or favor.  Ochs also aimed for a large audience of patriotic, affluent, and educated readers.  His goals clearly differed from the journalism of the day.  William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer made fortunes from "yellow journalism" in their respective papers, the New York Journal and New York World [Frankel, 1996].  The renowned journalist H.L. Mencken noted in his autobiography that at the turn of the century even journalists who worked for reputable newspapers routinely made up "facts" [Mencken, 1941].
	The New York Times prospered under the leadership of Adolph Ochs and his descendants.  The New York Times Corporation had revenues of $2 billion in 1995 and is a multi-media conglomerate.  It owns television and radio stations and is expanding both in print and electronic publishing.  In 1993, the New York Times Corporation bought the Boston Globe.  In 1995, an electronic  edition of the Times began to appear on the America Online electronic network.  Despite such valuable goals as impartial reporting, many sources show that the Times pays insufficient attention to information and data quality.  By expanding its markets the Times increases the need for data quality techniques in both its editorial policies and information content.
1.1.   Sources of Information
	There are several sources of information about the Times's history, operations, people, personalities, corporate culture, editorial decisions, reporting, and other factors that affect information quality and data quality. Well-known sources include the widely-available autobiographies of Times journalists and editors [Talese, 1969; Salisbury, 1980; Reston, 1991].  Other sources include books by journalists outside the Times [Diamond, 1993].  The New York Times is an excellent source of information about itself, when analyzed statistically and for information and data quality.  A printed index to the Times has been available for decades; an electronic index has been available for almost twenty years.  Both the index and Times articles for the past several years recently become available on CD-ROM.  This allows fast Boolean and topic searches; and subsequent retrieval of an article.  These are important tools, as they can help not only a researcher but reporters and editors produce more accurate articles more quickly.
	Other sources of information about the New York Times can include social, economic, and demographic data about journalists, editors, managers, and executives - for example real estate directories that show where journalists and editors live.  Of course, one can also interview Times journalists, editors, and other employees.  And because the New York Times Company stock is publicly traded, there is significant financial and legal information available to researchers from public sources, such as the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission.
1.2.  Characteristics of the New York Times: 1995-1996
	This paper explores information and data quality in the New York Times  during a twelve month period - September 1995 through August 1996.  The author lived in New York City and the New York metropolitan area for six years (1979-1985) and has subscribed to both the daily and Sunday editions of the Times for ten years.  The author has either contacted or attempted to contact Times journalists on a dozen occasions during the past decade - most recently through the Times's America Online electronic bulletin board -  regarding what appeared to be serious data quality and information quality errors and omissions.  (For example, maps that have appeared in the Times have sometimes been so ambiguous as to be useless).  Typically, the Times's response was no response.  When the author did speak to a Times journalist or editor, that person invariably claimed that a "deadline" loomed, and that he would "take care of that when I have time."
	Today, weekday editions of the Times cost sixty cents within the New York metropolitan area and a dollar outside the New York metropolitan area.  The Sunday edition costs $2.50 within metro New York, and $3.00 outside.  The cost of a year's subscription in the near-suburbs of Washington D.C is $442. The Times's dimensions and pages have been steadily "downsized."  During the past thirty years, the number of pages have been reduced from over a hundred to about eighty for weekday editions; and from over two hundred to about a hundred and fifty on Sunday.  Holiday (weekday) editions are about forty pages.  Physical dimensions of the pages have also shrunk.  Today, a Times page measures 13 1/2 inches by 22 1/4 inches.  A page in the Sunday Times Magazine measures 9 1/2 by 11 1/2 inches.  These are significant changes from how the Times appeared on newsstands 35 years ago.
	2.   Analysis
	The New York Times is run as a profitable business owned (as mentioned earlier) by a media conglomerate.  It is not a federal statistical agency, nor a non-profit organization.  Therefore, the primary oversight of Times operations is by corporate management, shareholders, and federal agencies (like the EPA, and IRS) that regulate corporations for environmental, tax and other compliance.  Content is regulated by the marketplace, by libel and national security statutes, by the Times's "corporate culture," and by the ideas, opinions and beliefs of its journalists, editors, managers, and owners.  Libel laws have become much less onerous for the media during the past thirty years.  The Times's editors and executives have relentlessly sought to broaden First Amendment free speech guarantees, both in the courts and through Times editorials.  Indeed, the present American legal standard for libel (willfully malicious reporting with reckless disregard for the truth) was the result of a libel case (i.e., New York Times vs. Sullivan) that the Times won in 1964 before the U.S. Supreme Court.  In the area of "national security," however, the Times is extremely circumspect [Salisbury, 1980].  The 1971 publication of the "Pentagon Papers" was an aberration.  The Times has, to date, not seriously attempted to enlighten its readers about the veracity of the "facts" it reported during the Cold War, though many new sources of information about the Cold War now exist [Reston, 1991].
2.1.  Information Quality and Data Quality in the New York Times
	The purpose of publishing newspapers is to sell information and data.  The New York Times is entirely information and data, in various forms.  The Times uses prose, photographs, and graphics to describe and illustrate events; and uses data (individual facts, statistics, or items of information) to bolster prose arguments, to lend authenticity to statements, to make hypotheses credible, and as succinct statements of fact themselves (e.g., "Princeton 17 - Cornell 7").
	Obviously, there is a large amount of information and data in each issue of the Times.  In addition to pages of subjective reports and advertising, there are photographs, graphs, tables, and thousands of individual data items (for example, stock quotes, sports scores, and racing statistics).  There is also information about data, and data about information.  A search of the UMI/NEXIS New York Times CD-ROM database between January, 1995 and June, 1996 discovered no instances of "information quality" or "data quality" appearing as topics, and only a half-dozen occurrences of the phrases "data quality," "quality of data," "information quality," and "quality of information."
2.2.  Objective and Subjective Information and Data
	As in all newspapers, there is wide variability in data and information quality in the New York Times.  This is by design.  To exist and be profitable newspapers must provide readers with a wide variety of interesting topics.  Few would purchase a newspaper that consisted of verbatim interviews transcribed from magnetic tape to print, sports scores, and stock quotations. But newspapers must guard against the appearance of objectivity when publishing data and information that is subjective, sometimes very subjective. Newspapers are published by human beings.  Journalists, editors, and newspaper executives are subject to human emotions, and the stress related to daily reporting, editing, and publishing.  Finally, though the Times may print an interesting hypothesis, survey, report, dataset, or a pronouncement by an esteemed scientist may be the subject of a half-page article, it does not necessarily "prove" anything!
2.3.   Information and Data Quality Problems and the Times 
	From the viewpoint of information and data quality, the New York Times is seriously remiss.  Data and Information Quality simply don't appear as topics. The only recent use of the phrase "data quality" was in a pejorative quote [Bryant, 1995].  A Boolean search of the UMI/NEXIS Times CD-ROM database for 1995-1996 indicates that when "data" and "quality" appear in the same article, the context is almost always data about the quality of a product or service.  Information quality and data quality per se are only part of the Times's problems in both areas.  Other IQ/DQ problems are longstanding.  A graduate journalism student could (in the author's opinion) easily write a doctoral thesis about each problem.
2.3.1.  Corporate Culture and the Times 
	One idea that clearly comes through in the memoirs of the great " Timesmen" (i.e., Reston, Salisbury, and Talese) is the extent to which Times journalists, editors, and executives are (and have been) "wired" into a system that is the antithesis of information and data quality.  All too often "getting ahead" for an aspiring Times journalist involved reporting quotations and other self-serving information from foreign and domestic politicians which were obtained by beginning "friendships" with them [Reston, 1991].  As stated earlier, we still don't know much about what American and Soviet leaders were doing during the Cold War versus what the New York Times and other newspapers told us they were doing.
2.3.2.  Pride, Prejudice and the Times
	One has only to peruse the New York Times's Metro Section for a few months to determine which topics are either "off limits" entirely or covered at a low priority.  For example, metropolitan news about boroughs outside Manhattan appears to be a low priority while suburban news seems to be a high priority [Diamond, 1993a].  Unfortunately, the same prejudice appears to be at work when the Times reports on other topics.  The Times does not like guns or people who commit adultery. It does not favor the legalization of marijuana, and, until recently, its coverage of gay and lesbian issues was nil.  Although today over a third of the Times's staff writers are women, in the recent past the  Times was almost entirely staffed by white men.  Ochs and his descendants had (and have) their own prejudices [Diamond, 1993b].  Unfortunately,  Times readers would not know what those are without a careful reading of the paper and background biographies and autobiographies.  Obviously, when the Times is prejudiced about a group, an issue, or a topic information doesn't appear or the information that does appear is negative.  A careful reading of the Times indicates that Times journalists typically represent the values of their day.  And many of those values don't hold up well after a decade of socioeconomic, demographic, economic, cultural, and political changes.
2.3.3.  Surveys, Hypotheses, Data, Reports, and Pronouncements
	The most ubiquitous information quality and data quality problems in the Times do not involve data per se.  Stock quotations, sports scores, racing results and similar data have been compiled and published for decades by people who know and understand what they are doing.  But it appears that Times journalists, editors, and executives often know little about the subjects of their articles, about how research is conducted, about peer review, about the scientific method, about quality, and about science.
	This ignorance is evidenced both by what Times articles say and how they say it.   A sampling of recent article titles indicates a reliance on data and surveys.  An article citing a study by a child advocacy group claims that the number of children of the working poor is up sharply [Holmes, 1996].  A professor theorizes that there is no evidence that global warming is serious, but presents no data to prove his hypothesis [Stevens, 1996].  Atmospheric data point to the ultimate recovery of the ozone layer [Associated Press, 1996].  A report indicates that health costs are growing more slowly in the United States, but the time series is too short to predict a long-term trend [Pear, 1996].  Economic data are sending conflicting signals [Uchitelle, 1996].  A survey shows that nonvoters are more alienated than voters [Berke, 1996].  And data seem to show a solar system nearly in the neighborhood [Wilford, 1996].   These and similar articles are the staple of the Times today. Presumably the Times journalists who wrote these articles took the time and effort to determine the quality of the data and information the researchers relied upon - the reader almost always can't.   At a minimum, a short evaluation of the data source should be included.
	3.  Conclusion
	The New York Times has a "world class" reputation for quality in journalism.  But the Times is often biased in its coverage of people and events.  Times journalists write articles with insufficient attention to information and data quality; and Times editors and executives publish such articles frequently.

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SALISBURY, H.E.  1980.  Without Fear or Favor, pp. 118-148.
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TALESE, G.  1966.  The Kingdom and the Power, World Publishing Company, New York.
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WILFORD, J.N.  1996.  Data Seem to Show a Solar System Nearly in the Neighborhood. NYT (June 12), A24.