The primary proposal of this thesis is that in questions, a "Q" morpheme must undergo syntactic movement from a clause-internal position to a clause-peripheral position. Throughout this thesis, we develop a syntactic analysis and a semantic formalism for questions that accounts for the facts observed in wh-in-situ languages (focusing mainly on Japanese, Sinhala, Shuri Okinawan, and premodern Japanese).
We contrast two unrelated languages, Japanese and Sinhala, which form questions in a nearly identical way, but which differ in the placement of Q. We hypothesize that in both languages Q moves from a clause-internal position (corresponding to its overt position in Sinhala) to a clause-peripheral position (corresponding to its overt position in Japanese). We argue for this movement relation by examining the effects of movement islands and other "intervenors" when placed in the path of the hypothesized movement.
We also observe that in both languages, indefinites can be formed by appending Q directly to a wh-word in a declarative sentence. Using this, we develop a compositional semantic account under which wh-words like who are represented as sets of individuals and Q is represented as an existential quantifier over choice function variables. This, in conjunction with the proposed syntax, allows us to derive the semantics both of questions and of indefinites containing wh-words.
More complex issues arise when considering questions with multiple wh-words and with quantifiers. It is proposed that in multiple questions, Q originates by the lowest wh-word. If Q moves to the clause periphery from there, a "pair-list" reading will result, while if Q first moves above the wh-words, a "single-pair" reading results. Through the use of a semantic mechanism called "flexible functional application", this generalization is derived from the proposed semantics of pair-list questions, which are semantically represented as a set of questions. Questions with quantifiers with functional readings and with pair-list readings are also discussed in detail.
Arguments for several more theory-internal proposals are made as well, including an argument for a "single cycle" syntax, and an argument for a type of movement labeled "migration" which is crucially different from "feature attraction."
Thesis Supervisor: David Pesetsky Title: Professor of Linguistics
Table of contents
Part I:Toward a syntax of wh-in-situ
1. Introduction
1. Thesis overview 12
2. On Japanese -ka, -mo, and wh-words 15
3. Introduction to Sinhala questions 19
4. Historical interlude: Premodern Japanese kakari-musubi 25
5. A brief introduction to Shuri Okinawan kakari-musubi 26
2. Q-movement
1. Movement of dE to the clause periphery in Sinhala 29
2. Feature checking and the distribution of Sinhala 'E' 32
3. Comparing Sinhala, Japanese, and Okinawan: The movement of Q 35
4. Evidence for -ka-movement: Forcing -ka inside islands with ittai 40
5. Some structural properties of ittai 46
6. More evidence for -ka-movement: Intervention effects of -ka and -mo 51
7. The long and mysterious journey of Q 60
8. Chapter two in review 63
3. Complex questions
1. Constituency and the multiple question I: Sinhala and Okinawan 65
2. Constituency and the multiple question II: Japanese 69
3. Antisuperiority in Japanese and Sinhala 71
4. German and the "Beck effect" 79
5. Quantifier/wh-syntax I: Catapulting " out of CP 85
6. Q-movement in Chinese 87
7. Quantifier/wh-syntax II: Chinese 89
8. Additional wh-effects 91
9. Chapter three summary 95
4. Some remaining syntactic issues
1. Remote vs. Local Generation of Q 97
2. Subjacency and LF pied-piping 104
3. Japanese -koso and a single cycle syntax 109
4. A crosslinguistic difference in the properties of wh-islands 115
5. Malay 118
Part II: What is a question? Toward a semantics of wh-in-situ
5. A semantics for single questions and indefinites
1. Questions as sets of propositions 123
2. Some basic assumptions about semantic composition 126
3. -ka as existential quantification over choice functions I: indefinites 129
4. -ka as existential quantification over choice functions II: questions 136
5. Wh-words in islands and flexible functional application 140
6. Chapter wrap-up 144
6. A semantics for multiple and functional questions
1. A semantics for multiple questions 147
2. Background on functional readings 156
3. Functional readings in Japanese and the base position of Q 158
4. Wh-scope and long-distance lists 164
5. Chapter six synopsis 168
7. Pair-list readings of quantifier/wh-questions
1. Evidence for a quantificational type 171
2. Lifted questions and Laziness 174
3. Loose ends 180
4. Chapter seven in review 183
8. Closing arguments
1. Q-introduction Antisuperiority1 85
2. Q-migration in single-pair questions, FNACC in functional questions 186
3. The semantic interpretation of Local Generation 189
4. What we have done: A syntax and semantics for questions 191
5. Notes about the bigger picture 195
References 197