The English Noun Phrase in Its Sentential Aspect

Steven Paul Abney

May 1987

 

This dissertation is a defense of the hypothesis that the noun phrase is headed by a functional element (i.e., “non-lexical” category) D, identified with the determiner. In this way, the structure of the noun phrase parallels that of the sentence, which is headed by Infl(ection), under assumptions now standard within the Government–Binding (GB) framework.

 

The central empirical problem addressed is the question of the proper analysis of the so-called “Poss-ing” gerund in English. This construction possesses simultaneously many properties of sentences, and many properties of noun phrases. The problem of capturing this dual aspect of the Poss-ing construction is heightened by current restrictive views of X-bar theory, which, in particular, rule out the obvious structure for Poss-ing, [NP NP VPing], by virtue of its exocentricity.

 

Consideration of languages in which nouns, even the most basic concrete nouns, show agreement (AGR) with their possessors points to an analysis of the noun phrase as headed by an element similar to Infl, which provides a position for AGR; I call this Infl-like element “d.” D and Infl belong to the class of non-lexical categories, which I prefer to call functional categories. The analysis in which D heads the noun phrase I call the “DP analysis.”

 

Importing the DP analysis into English yields an immediate solution for the problem of the Poss-ing gerund: Poss-ing gerunds (and by extension, noun phrases generally) have a more sentence-like structure than hitherto thought, namely, [DP DP’s D VPing]. (In non-gerundive noun phrases, “VP” is replaced by a projection of N. This projection of N, despite being a maximal X-bar projection, corresponds to N-bar in the standard analysis.)

 

Current trends in the treatment of minor categories—so-called “non-lexical” categories—lead us to a similar conclusion. Until recently, minor categories like complementizers and modals had been treated as syncategorematic. Under current assumptions, however, they participate fully in the X-bar schema. In this way, two simplifications are achieved simultaneously: we eliminate syncategorematic elements, and we acquire endocentric analysis of the sentence, which had been exceptional in being the only exocentric major category. To make these results fully general, we are led to treat the remaining syncategorematic elements—in particular, determiners in noun phrases and degree words in adjective phrases—as heads of full phrases. The analogy with complementizers and modals indicates that determiners and degree words should head noun phrases and adjective phrases, respectively. In other words, determiners are lexical instantiations of “D” in the same way that modals are lexical instantiations of Infl.

 

However, despite the conceptual links, the question of the existence of a functional head of the noun phrase (the DP analysis), and the question of the place of the determiner, are independent questions, and I treat them separately: Chapters One through Three are concerned predominately with the former question, Chapter Four with the latter.

 

Chapter One provides a brief introduction. In Chapter Two I present the DP analysis, motivating it by examining languages with agreement between noun and possessor. I also discuss issues raised by the DP analysis, with emphasis on the parallelism between noun phrase and sentence hypothesized under the DP analysis. In particular, I treat the question of PRO in noun phrase; and I show that the numerous differences between sentence and noun phrase do not invalidate the parallelism of structure proposed under the DP analysis. In Chapter Three I apply the analysis to the three gerundive constructions, Acc-ing, Poss-ing, and -ing of. Finally, in Chapter Four, I turn to the question of whether the determiner is the lexical instantiation of D, the functional head of the noun phrase.

 

Thesis Supervisor:      Dr. Richard K. Larson, Assistant Professor of Linguistics

 

 

1

Introduction

14

1.1

A puzzle and its solution

14

 

1.1.1

The puzzle

14

 

1.1.2

An apparently unrelated fact

17

 

1.1.3

The solution

21

 

1.1.4

The identity of X

23

 

1.1.5

Sentence and noun phrase

25

1.2

Overview

28

 

 

 

 

 

2

Noun phrase and sentence

30

2.1

General similarities

30

2.2

Infl in the noun phrase

37

 

2.2.1

Yup’ik

39

 

2.2.2

Mayan

42

 

2.2.3

Hungarian

44

 

2.2.4

Digression: Comp in the noun phrase

46

 

2.2.5

Turkish

49

2.3

The DP analysis

54

 

2.3.1

Concepts and terminology

54

 

 

a.

“Inflectional” elements

54

 

 

b.

C-projection and S-projection

57

 

 

c.

“D” vs. “Det”

58

 

 

d.

Syntactic features

60

 

2.3.2

Functional selection

63

 

2.3.3

Two notions of command

68

 

2.3.4

Det as head

71

 

2.3.5

The position of ’s

78

 

 

a.

Morphological Case affix

78

 

 

b.

Determiner

79

 

 

c.

Postposition: N Case-assigns

79

 

 

d.

Postposition: AGR Case-assigns

81

 

2.3.6

Appendix: Selection of DP

85

2.4

PRO in the noun phrase

89

 

2.4.1

PRO book

89

 

2.4.2

θ-theory

92

 

 

a.

Derived nominals

92

 

 

b.

Rationale clauses

93

 

2.4.3

Control theory

97

 

2.4.4

Binding theory

97

 

2.4.5

Arguments against PRO in the noun phrase

101

 

 

a.

Yesterday’s destruction

101

 

 

b.

Obligatoriness of control

103

2.5

Differences between noun phrase and sentence

107

 

2.5.1

Predication in the noun phrase

107

 

2.5.2

Catalog of differences

115

 

 

a.

A preliminary: process vs. result

115

 

 

b.

Oligatoriness of subject

121

 

 

c.

Pleonastics

122

 

 

d.

Case

122

 

 

e.

Restrictions on passive

123

 

 

f.

Psych nouns

125

 

 

g.

Raising

129

 

 

h.

Exceptional Case Marking

129

 

 

i.

Small clauses

131

 

 

j.

Ditransitivity

131

 

 

k.

Object control

134

 

 

l.

Tough constructions

135

 

 

m.

John’s breaking his leg

139

 

 

n.

Pseudo-passive

142

 

 

o.

Particles, particle movement

143

 

 

p.

Resultative secondary predicates

143

 

 

q.

Object pleonastics

145

 

 

r.

Concealed questions

146

 

 

s.

Indirect questions

146

 

 

t.

Complementizer deletion

147

 

2.5.3

Appendix: reducing the differences

149

 

 

 

 

 

3

Gerunds

165

3.1

Introduction

165

 

3.1.1

The range of gerund constructions

167

 

3.1.2

Reuland’s analysis of Acc-ing

168

3.2

Noun phrase aspects of Poss-ing

171

 

3.2.1

External evidence

171

 

 

a.

Distribution

171

 

 

b.

Agreement

175

 

 

c.

Long-distance binding

175

 

3.2.2

Internal evidence

176

 

 

a.

Subject

176

 

 

b.

Specificity

178

 

 

c.

Pied piping

179

 

 

d.

Scope

179

 

 

e.

Sentential adverbs

180

3.3

Sentential aspects of Poss-ing

182

 

3.3.1

VP in Poss-ing

182

 

3.3.2

PRO in the gerund

183

 

3.3.3

“N-bar” deletion

188

3.4

Analyses I: finding the seam

190

 

3.4.1

Schachter

190

 

3.4.2

Horn

192

 

3.4.3

The D–VP analysis

193

 

 

a.

-ing as functional head

193

 

 

b.

Turkish again

196

 

 

c.

’s and determiners

197

 

3.4.4

The D–IP analysis

199

 

 

a.

Determiners

201

 

 

b.

The positions of -ing

201

 

 

c.

Spanish el + infinitive

202

 

 

d.

Scope of not

203

 

 

e.

’s as θ-assigner

205

3.5

Analyses II: the morphological angle

210

 

3.5.1

Jackendoff

210

 

 

a.

The deverbal rule schema

210

 

 

b.

The history of the English gerund

211

 

 

c.

-ing of

214

 

3.5.2

Pesetsky/Lebeaux

217

 

3.5.3

Baker

219

3.6

Conclusion: Syntactic affixation

222

 

3.6.1

A final analysis

222

 

 

a.

The “scope” of -ing

222

 

 

b.

Acc-ing

225

 

 

c.

Poss-ing

228

 

 

d.

The site of -ing

231

 

 

e.

Lowering -ing

238

 

 

f.

Appendix: VP- and NP-deletion

244

 

3.6.2

Affixes in the syntax

248

 

 

a.

The “new morphology”

248

 

 

b.

Turkish gerunds and the Mirror Principle

249

 

 

c.

Generalizing the Mirror Principle

251

 

3.6.3

Verbal and adjectival passive

253

 

 

a.

Distribution

254

 

 

b.

Internal evidence

257

 

 

c.

A digression on Case absorption

258

 

 

d.

More internal evidence

262

 

 

 

 

 

4

Lexical determiners

265

4.1

Determiners as head

268

 

4.1.1

Arguments for the standard analysis

268

 

 

a.

Selectional restrictions

268

 

 

b.

Determiners and possessors

270

 

 

c.

Hungarian

272

 

4.1.2

Sundry evidence for Det as head

277

 

 

a.

Dets that cannot stand alone

277

 

 

b.

Dets that can stand alone

278

 

 

c.

Pronouns

281

 

 

d.

Dets as functional elements

285

 

 

e.

Head-to-head movement

285

 

4.1.3

The range of specifiers

287

 

 

a.

Two bars vs. three bars

287

 

 

b.

Noun phrase specifiers

290

 

 

c.

Pseudo-partitive

295

4.2

The adjective phrase

298

 

4.2.1

Deg as head

298

 

4.2.2

Adjective, adverb, and quantifier

301

 

4.2.3

The “subject” of Deg

304

 

4.2.4

Extent clauses

312

 

4.2.5

Two specifiers in adjective phrase

315

 

4.2.6

Overview of structures

320

4.3

The positions of prenominal adjectives

322

 

4.3.1

Two hypotheses

322

 

4.3.2

Adjective as head of NP

323

 

 

a.

Too big a house

323

 

 

b.

Complements

326

 

 

c.

Mere and utter

328

 

 

d.

Semantics

328

 

 

e.

Comparatives

331

 

 

f.

Determination of noun phrase type

333

 

 

g.

Idioms

334

 

4.3.3

Two more hypotheses

335

 

 

a.

AP vs. DegP

335

 

 

b.

Quantifiers

338

 

 

c.

Problems

341

4.4

Conclusion

351

 

 

 

 

 

5

Bibliography

355