Monday, March 15, 1999
6:00 - 7:30 p.m.
Incredible
amounts of newsprint have been spent on the winners of the Information
Age -- the Amazons and the Yahoos. But very little attention
has been focussed on the fact that more than 90 percent of the
world has never used a computer. What impact will this have
on world culture? Will information technology widen the exisiting
gap between the rich and the poor? Can something be done before
it is too late? Kenneth Keniston of the Program in Science,
Technology and Society will address this issue in a seminar
organised by Sangam, the MIT-Indian Students' Association.
Speakers
Kenneth
Keniston, MIT Program in Science, Technology and
Society
Venkatesh
Hariharan, Information Poverty Institute and MIT
Knight Journalism Fellow
Summary
[This event was organised by Sangam,
the MIT-Indian Students' Association and co-‰sponsored by the
Media-in- Transition project of the MIT Communications Forum.
Kenneth Keniston's talk was based on an article that is available
online entitled
Politics, Culture, and Software"]
Keniston: One of the great questions of the "information
age" is how will computer ‰technologies affect the existing
disparities of rich and poor -- both within and ‰between nations.
Two major political and philosophical issues embedded in this
‰question are equity and diversity. By equity, I refer to how
resources, power, wealth, ‰influence and access are distributed
within a country and between countries, ‰particularly between
the developing countries and the so called "northern countries."
‰Diversity refers to the extent to which the enormous number
of historical cultures in ‰the world will be enhanced and enlivened
by the information age, or to what extent ‰they will be obliterated
and replaced. As a way of dramatizing these issues, I want to
‰present two bad dreams.
My first
bad dream is what I call the "rule of the digerati," where "digerati"
refers to ‰people who are digitally savvy -- a short hand definition
of this is having a computer ‰with access to e-mail and the
web, in addition to other enabling technologies such as ‰mobile
phones or palm pilots. The "digerati" make up about 1% of the
world's ‰population. In the United States, about 47% of households
have computers, and ‰about half of those have Internet connections,
and still fewer have all the qualities of ‰the "digerati." In
India, about 2 tenths of 1% of the population has a telephone
line, ‰while significantly less have the qualities of the "digerati."
The bad dream is that in ‰some future world, perhaps not too
far away, there will essentially be a new ruling ‰class made
up of "digerati" that will consist of the tiny fraction of the
world's ‰population who will control the financial, economic
and political resources, as well ‰as the entertainment industry.
The other
99% of the people in the world will be excluded to various degrees,
‰although not necessarily in any deliberate or authoritarian
way. In India, as in the ‰United States, the majority will not
be able to participate because they won't have ‰the prerequisite
knowledge or resources to afford technology and connectivity.
When ‰we think of the "information age," we don't think about
that 99% of people who ‰won't participate, but we do know a
lot about them. For example, in the United ‰States, studies
show that people who are not "connected" tend to be poor, non-white,
‰less educated, less influential, vote less often and have children
who tend to do worse ‰in school. Any new technology tends to
be appropriated by the people who have ‰power to increase and
enlarge their power. If we believe that computer and Internet
‰access is empowering, and I do believe that, then those who
already have power will ‰increase their power, and those who
have less power will continue to have less ‰power. If we leave
things at that, then we can expect that the emergence of the
‰"digerati" class will increase the gap between the rich and
the poor rather than ‰decrease it.
My second
bad dream involves the emergence of what I call global "monoculture,"
‰which is similar to "cultural imperialism" -- that is to say,
it involves the hegemony ‰or dominance of the English language
and an Anglo culture with roots in the ‰entertainment and advertising
from North America and related countries. In true ‰"cultural
imperialism," the use of any other language is forbidden, and
there are ‰countries where this happens. But this bad dream
is not about such "cultural ‰imperialism." Instead, it is about
a defacto "monoculture" in which the chief images ‰in the media
ultimately come from the Anglo culture. There might be ‰advertisements
for cultural diversity, and MTV might appear in Hindi or Spanish,
but ‰the underlying culture is an English speaking Anglo culture.
Such a "monoculture" ‰subtly, but nonetheless effectively, puts
other languages and cultures into second ‰place, and makes those
who are part of those cultures feel somehow inadequate. Some
‰people think of this as an extension of American technological,
military and ‰economic power, while others take a less conspiratorial
view. Either way, the ‰consequence is that unless you are part
of this Anglo culture, you tend to feel as if ‰you are really
not "with it".
There are
aspects of information technology that contribute to the emergence
of a ‰global "monoculture." For example, if you want to use
a computer, it is very hard ‰to find software "localized" for
many languages. Although more people in the world ‰know Hindi
than know English, people who know Hindi have to send e-mail
in ‰English, unless they use some very unusual proprietary software.
The same is true of ‰Chinese and many other languages. There
is a double danger in this situation. The ‰first danger is the
loss of culture diversity that will result if the enormous wealth
of ‰traditional world languages and cultures become suppressed
little by little, so that ‰most of the 6000 languages in the
world begin to die off. The second danger is ‰political. In
the face of "monoculture," people who only speak traditional
languages ‰will probably come to feel inadequate. In some deep
sense, all of us base our ‰identities on our native culture,
and if that culture is depreciated or not honored, we ‰feel
dishonored. We either react with feelings of self-hatred and
shame, or we engage ‰in reactionary efforts of reaffirmation.
This second reaction can result in efforts to ‰preserve the
ancestral culture in all of its purity by casting out foreigners
and getting ‰rid of all the modern influences. One origin of
fundamentalism may have to do with ‰efforts to reassert a depreciated
culture.
I have
deliberately given you two dark visions--one being the rule
of the "digerati" ‰which entails the widening of the gap between
rich and poor within countries and ‰between countries, and the
second being the emergence of a global "monoculture" ‰which
makes those who are not part of the dominant english speaking
"anglo" ‰culture feel inadequate. My point is that there are
real dangers in the electronic age. I ‰want to conclude by pointing
out that nothing about my two bad dreams is ‰inevitable. The
impact of how new digital technologies effect social organization
is ‰something that we determine, rather than the technologies
themselves. A third dream ‰is that we could consciously and
deliberately say, "we have to devise technologically ‰sophisticated
means of addressing these problems!" To actively avoid the bad
dreams, ‰we have to devise new ways to use technology to deepen,
preserve, and enhance the ‰traditional cultures of the world
through efforts such as "localization" of software.
[The
following talk was based on an article by Venkatesh Hariharan
available on line entitled ‰"
Five IT Trends for World Development."]
Hariharan:
The politicians in Bombay may have changed its name to Mumbai,
but ‰they haven't changed the reality that almost half the people
there live in slums. As a ‰journalist based in Bombay covering
Information Technology, while I could see that ‰jobs in the
software industry created enormous wealth for the middle class
in India, I ‰could never escape a nagging question about whether
information technology had any ‰relevance for the vast number
of poor people in India and the rest of the world. When ‰I met
Kenneth Keniston, I discovered that the answer to that was a
decisive "Yes!" ‰When I interviewed him for a newspaper in India,
I though that "localization of ‰software" was just an interesting
technical issue to write about. But he pointed out ‰that almost
95 percent of India had never used a computer. It took some
time for that ‰fact to sink in, but when it did, I became increasingly
shocked and alarmed. Tonight, ‰I want to elaborate about current
trends that I hope might be enormously influential ‰in helping
to improve the situation in developing countries by helping
computer ‰technology to proliferate. Each of them may not matter
much by themselves, but ‰collectively, they could have a powerful
impact.
The first
and the most visible trend is the rapidly falling cost of computing
devices. ‰Right now, I can take $400 and go to my neighborhood
Microcenter store to pick up ‰a PC, but by the end of 1999,
some analysts expect this to fall to a low of $200. At ‰these
price points, a greater percentage of the world population will
be able to afford ‰a computer. More significantly, this trend
of falling prices also applies to smaller ‰hand held computing
devices like 3Com's Palm Pilot. These devices have more ‰limited
capabilities, but they are available at even lower price points.
The MIT Media ‰Lab is working on information appliances that
will cost less than $25, and one of ‰these is a wind up browser
which can even operate in areas where there is no power. ‰It
is estimated by the World Bank that the average per capita income
in developing ‰countries is around $277, so it is easy to see
why falling prices are critical, and why ‰these types of developments
mean that a vastly greater number of people in the world ‰will
be able to afford computing devices.
Once people
have computing devices, what will they do with them? The value
of ‰any computing device multiplies a thousand fold if you connect
it to the Internet to ‰access information. That's where the
second trend comes in, which is the falling cost ‰of telecommunications.
Today, if I have to send an e-mail from Boston to Bombay, ‰it
makes absolutely no difference because it costs the same. But
if I make a phone ‰call to Bombay, as compared to making a phone
call within Boston, I have to ‰consider that a call to Bombay
costs me about 60 cents a minute. But the costs of ‰communications
is coming down, and the "Internet in the sky" Teledesic project,
‰other Internet telephony projects, as well as improved wireless
and cellular ‰technologies will hasten the falling cost and
further expansion of telecommunications ‰technologies. This
will be a great leveler for developing countries, because it
will ‰become much less important where one's operations are
based. As the price of ‰telephony comes down, it will be possible
to connect a village in the middle of a ‰desert in Rajasthan
or a village on top of the Himalayas to the rest of the world
in an ‰affordable way. One interesting thing that's been seen
time and again is that the ‰moment you connect villagers through
information and communications ‰technologies, the first thing
they do is call up the markets to check the prices of their
‰produce. In Chile and Mexico and the Philipines, farmers have
been able to improve ‰their profitability by around 15 percent
because they could access the latest prices in ‰the world markets.
That, in itself, is an incredibly empowering tool.
A third
major trend is the increasing maturity of speech technology.
When one ‰considers the fact that almost 40 percent of India's
population is illiterate, then ‰speech technology makes a lot
of sense. I am really excited about the fact that even ‰the
cheapest PCs in the market today are powerful enough to handle
speech ‰recognition.
The last
trend is the growth of the Open Source movement, which allows
users to ‰freely copy and modify software programs. Recently,
the government of Mexico ‰made an agreement to use Red Hat's
Linux in 140,000 elementary and middle-school ‰computer labs,
and Wired magazine estimated that the Mexican government saved
‰$124 million by avoiding proprietary operating systems. ("India
will benefit from ‰Linux, Apache" Interview with Bob Young,
CEO, Red Hat Software by ‰Madanmohan Rao http://www.indiaonline.com)
The Linux model of development ‰may be the way of the future
for information technologies in developing countries. ‰There
are 6000 languages in the world, but Microsoft Windows is available
in 40-50 ‰of those languages, and Microsoft is notoriously slow
in localizing for developing ‰countries. They still haven't
gotten around to doing a proper user interface in Hindi, ‰which
is pretty shocking when you realize that 400 million people
speak Hindi in ‰India. Microsoft may deem that it makes no commercial
sense to localize Windows ‰and its applications to many of the
world's languages and it won't be done, but a ‰group of Linux
enthusiasts can decide that they want to customize Linux into
Hindi, ‰and they can just go ahead and do it. In fact, there
are already groups working on ‰creating Linux based user interfaces
in Hindi.
All of
these trends combined do hold hope for developing countries
in the future. I ‰am particularly hopeful because they represent
an enormous market opportunity. ‰Information technology is only
a revolution for 10 percent or less of the world's ‰population.
In spite of that, the that industry is worth a trillion dollars,
maybe ‰more, every year. Imagine how much the market could grow
if technologies ‰addressed the other 90% of the world's population.
We are at an historic point where ‰information and communications
technologies are converging in a manner that can be ‰harnessed
to uplift the lives of people all over the world. We who have
assembled in ‰this room are the "digerati" of the world, and
MIT has a great history of contributions ‰to the Information
Technology revolution. The question that I would like to leave
‰this audience with is: "Can we turn the information technology
revolution into a ‰social, economic and cultural revolution?"
Discussion
Keniston:
What are the processes by which we can get information technologies
to ‰the people who need them?
Audience:
I was at a lecture by Michael Dertouzos where he talked about
having ‰kiosks in San Francisco where doctors who only get
paid 50 cents an hour in South ‰Asia could get a dollar an
hour to give homeless people free medical treatment. It ‰struck
me that taking more medical care out of South Asia wasn't
a good idea. Its bad ‰enough that doctors are fleeing South
Asia to come here, without having the ones ‰that stay no longer
working there. Sure, it provides new opportunities for profit,
but ‰the medical crisis in South Asia would only get worse.
Keniston:
You can extend that to computers. A recent example is the
software ‰industry in India, which is the strongest of any
developing nation, although it is very ‰controversial. Some
people say that it is a wonderful opportunity for Indians,
while ‰others say it is just "body shopping" on the part of
northern countries. Is this a form ‰of imperialistic exploitation,
or is it a way for a country like India to bootstrap its ‰way
into high level technologies? It is true that some of the
successful Indian ‰software companies are moving to the United
States and establishing American ‰branches, while other top
companies in India are beginning to win competitive ‰contracts
on the basis of quality, time to market and good design rather
than just ‰cost. This is in a situation that was initially
about cheap labor, but turned into a ‰competitive advantage.
Hariharan:
Unfortunately, what is happening in India only involves a
very narrow ‰circle of those who speak English in urban areas.
Remember that five percent of India ‰speaks English, but only
a very tiny number of the best and brightest of those are
‰exported. Five percent of people in India is a big number,
so what about the rest of ‰them? Also notice that most of
the programming in the world is done in English, ‰although
there is no real need for that, since code is ultimately converted
to zeros and ‰ones. If it became possible to program in other
languages, that would make a big ‰difference. Right now, 80%
of packaged software comes from America, but that could ‰change
if more Indians participated.
Audience: There are a number of situations where combining
religions or languages ‰brought about a new culture that was
richer. It is too narrow to only be concerned ‰about preserving
what we have. There are always some people who want to go all
the ‰way back and others who want to go forward as fast as possible,
but there is ‰something to be said for something in between.
Keniston:
I agree that there is another way, and it is symbolized by educated
Indians ‰who are polylingual. I am impressed with how many Indians
live with a plural ‰identity where they easily function in English,
but maintain the more traditional ‰aspects of their lives without
feeling any conflict. It is also true that languages and ‰cultures
evolve, so that they aren't things you can grab hold of and
preserve. Indian ‰English is a good example of a form that is
very distinctive and evolving all the ‰time, while it produces
a very powerful and distinctive literature.
Audience:
The digital age is very young, so it is probably premature and
unfairly ‰harsh to expect it to bear the burden of propagating
the "monoculture." Satellite ‰television or VCRs have certainly
had an even bigger role in perpetuating it. On the ‰other hand,
information technology could be the single biggest weapon for
helping ‰smaller singular cultures to survive. With relatively
little costs and infrastructure, ‰they can suddenly preserve
and present to the entire world what was formerly totally ‰inaccessible
and in danger of being forgotten.
Hariharan:
The great thing about the Internet is that it isn't a centralized
form of ‰media. Television costs a huge amount to implement,
whereas anyone with four ‰hundred dollars can buy a PC and put
up a web page. Developing countries like India ‰have to harness
this.
Audience:
I am a student at the Media Lab, and there are three things
that annoy me ‰about the projects going on there. First, they
have this romantic idea of going to the ‰middle of the forest
to save 20 people in a village, while there are four million
‰people in one slum in Bombay. I am from Brazil where most of
the poverty is urban ‰poverty, and that is different. The second
thing is that they assume the atoms are ‰there, so that they
think you can solve the medical problem when you can move the
‰doctor's knowledge, although the real problem is that there
isn't any medicine. The ‰third thing scares me the most. They
have this patronizing vision that says, "we are ‰going to give
you something that will make your life better." That keeps people
in a ‰helpless mode that doesn't take them anywhere. After some
time, a piece of ‰technology becomes useless, except in the
best cases, when it is used for something ‰totally different
than intended.
Audience:
As far as language integration in India, I think the biggest
problem is the ‰government. Also, the lack of bandwidth isn't
because nobody is willing to do it. ‰Again, the biggest problem
is the government, and that isn't being addressed here.
Keniston:
On one hand, the enormous success of the Indian software happened
‰because the government of India set up information technology
parks which had their ‰own generators and satellite dishes
so they could have reliable communication 24 ‰hours a day.
On the other hand, if you ask why there is no localization
for Hindi, one ‰also has to look at how the government of
India works. For instance, there are two ‰totally different
publicly supported localization schemes, and they can't come
to ‰conclusions on any standards. My general point is that
the market works for a lot of ‰things, but it can also be
a form of exploitation. We have to think about the role that
‰public authorities can play in creating the infrastructure
or facilitating the formation ‰of standards for such things
as localization.
Hariharan:
I think that the way that the Indian government has implemented
‰technology is a case study in how not to do it. Everybody
talks about the great Indian ‰software industry, but what
has that done for the Indian people? The government has ‰not
been very good about decisions of how to implement information
technologies ‰for the good of everyone in India.
Audience:
I think that it is interesting that we all seem to agree that
what is stopping ‰progress in information technology in India
is the government, and I am sure that it ‰is true of some
other countries. The government of India was also very resistant
to ‰television for a long time, and there were reasons. It
was a very centralized nation, ‰and experts on this will tell
you that the reason that television took so long to catch
‰on in India was that the government was afraid of people
getting too much ‰information. They wanted to maintain centralized
power. Information technologies ‰pose the same type of political
problem. If you are already a politician who is rich ‰and
powerful, why would you want to change the status quo?‰